HOUSE No.  98. 


REPORT 

OP  THE 

SPECIAL  COMMISSION 

ON  THE 

HOURS  OF  LABOR, 

and  Tna 


CONDITION  AND  PROSPECTS  OP  THE 
INDUSTRIAL  CLASSES. 


IP  X32  X5  II  JJ  A.  It  Y , 1 8 6 6. 


BOSTON: 

WRIGHT  & POTTER,  STATE  PRINTERS, 
No.  4 Spring  Lane. 

1 8 6 6. 


xomzs?-  i or  ns  "S  \ Q 


Commonromltl)  of  JHassadiuseits. 


State  House,  Boston,  Feb.  7, 1866. 

To  the  Honorable  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  in 
General  Court  assembled. 

The  Commission  appointed  by  His  Excellency  Governor  Andrew, 
in  accordance  with  a Resolve  of  the  last  legislature,  “ to 
collect  information  and  statistics  in  regard  to  the  Hours  of 
Labor,  the  condition  and  prospects  of  the  industrial  classes, 
with  such  other  information  as  they  may  deem  proper,  and 
report  the  result  of  such  investigations  to  the  next  legislature 
for  its  action,”  respectfully  submit  the  following 

REPORT: 

Wishing  to  gain  information  from  all  parts  of  the  State  con- 
cerning the  subject  intrusted  to  us,  we  issued  early  in  October 
a thousand  printed  circulars,  sending  one  or  more  to  every 
town  in  the  Commonwealth,  making  such  inquiries  concerning 
the  general  subject  as  would  facilitate  our  investigations.  A 
few  weeks  later  we  sent  another  edition  of  the  circular  to  such 
persons  and  places  as  seemed  to  us  most  likely  to  furnish  us 
with  the  needed  information. 

In  response  we  have  received  about  eighty  letters.  An 
abstract  of  these  we  have  thought  proper  to  present  in  tabular 
form,  in  the  Appendix,  together  with  a brief  summary  of  such 
letters  as  contained  no  statistical  information,  but  treated  only 
of  the  general  subject. 

It  will  be  seen  by  these  tables  that  only  thirty-nine  out  of  the 
334  towns  of  the  State  have  been  heard  from,  and  that  three 


4 HOURS  OF  LABOR.  [Feb. 

whole  counties,  Dukes,  Franklin  and  Nantucket,  have  given 
no  response  to  our  circulars. 

Our  first  hearing  was  held  October  26th,  and  was  continued, 
by  successive  adjournments,  through  eight  sessions  of  from 
three  to  five  and  a half  hours  each,  closing  November  30th.  A 
full  report  of  the  hearings,  taken  mainly  by  a phonographer 
employed  for  the  purpose,  we  tender  to  your  honorable  body 
for  preservation  or  publication,  as  you  may  think  best,  premis- 
ing that  these  manuscript  reports  contain  thoughts  on  both  sides 
of  the  question  at  issue  worthy  of  being  printed  for  present 
reading  and  future  reference. 

The  most  of  our  sessions  were  held  in  the  evening  to  accom- 
modate the  workingmen.  The  attendance  was  not  so  large  as 
might  reasonably  have  been  expected  from  the  general  interest 
in  the  subject  supposed  to  be  felt  by  the  workingmen  of  the 
State.  This,  however,  was  accounted  for  on  the  ground  that 
many  who  were  there,  represented,  as  officers  of  various  associa- 
tions, large  numbers  who  could  not  conveniently  attend.  Four- 
teen different  trades,  or  branches  of  industry,  were  represented 
at  these  hearings.  A few  others  have  been  heard  from  by  letter, 
but  they  all  together  represent  quite  inadequately  the  industrial 
interests  of  the  Commonwealth,  indicating  that  the  public  inter- 
est in  the  general  subject  is,  at  present,  rather  expectant  than 
profound.  We  name  this  simply  as  a fact,  not  as  bearing  at 
all  upon  the  merits  or  demerits  of  the  questions  beginning  to 
agitate  the  public  mind. 

In  these  hearings,  as  in  our  circulars,  we  have  sought  espec- 
ially for  reliable  statistics  rather  than  individual  opinion.  But 
we  have  found  that  statistics  are  not  easily  obtained,  and  we 
have  much  less  to  report  in  this  direction  than  is  demanded  by 
the  importance  of  the  great  questions  involved. 

The  most  marked  and  inexcusable  evil  that  has  been  brought 
before  the  Commission,  and  one  that  appeals  legitimately  to  the 
legislature  for  redress,  is  the  condition  of  many  of 

The  Children  in  Manufacturing  Districts. 

Therefore,  before  entering  upon  the  question  of  the  “ hours 
of  labor  ” for  adults,  we  ask  your  attention  to  some  facts  which 
have  been  elicited  concerning  the  condition  of  children,  claim- 
ing, as  we  think,  your  serious  consideration. 


1866.] 


HOUSE— No.  98. 


5 


The  law  of  the  State  (chapter  42  of  the  General  Statutes,) 
is  as  follows  : — 

“ Sect.  1.  Children  of  the  age  of  twelve  years,  and  under  the  age  of 
fifteen  years,  who  have  resided  in  the  State  for  the  term  of  six  months, 
shall  not  be  employed  in  a manufacturing  establishment,  unless,  within 
twelve  months  next  preceding  the  term  of  such  employment,  they  have 
attended  some  public  or  private  day  school,  under  teachers  approved  by 
the  school  committee  of  the  place  in  which  said  school  was  kept,  at  least 
one  term  of  eleven  weeks,  and  unless  they  shall  attend  such  school  for  a 
like  period  during  each  twelve  months  of  such  employment.  Children 
under  twelve  years  of  age,  having  resided  in  this  Commonwealth  for  a 
like  period,  shall  not  be  so  employed  unless  they  have  attended  a like 
school  for  the  term  of  eighteen  weeks  within  twelve  months  next  preced- 
ing their  employment,  and  a like  term  during  each  twelve  months  of 
such  employment. 

“ Sect.  3.  No  child  under  the  age  of  twelve  years  shall  be  employed 
in  any  manufacturing  establishment  more  than  ten  hours  in  one  day, 
and  the  owner,  agent  or  superintendent  who  knowingly  employs  such 
child  for  a greater  number  of  hours  shall  forfeit  the  sum  of  fifty  dollars 
for  each  offence,  for  the  use  of  the  person  prosecuting  therefor.” 

Violation  of  the  Law. 

A saddening  amount  of  testimony,  by  letter  and  at  the  hear- 
ings, has  been  brought  before  the  Commission,  concerning  the 
frequent  and  gross  violation  of  this  law.  We  by  no  means 
suppose  this  violation  to  be  universal.  We  have  had  cheering 
testimony  from  Lowell,  in  particular,  of  the  faithful  observance 
of  the  law  in  that  city,  and  the  high  regard  in  which  it  is  held. 
There  may  be  other  places  from  which  we  have  not  heard, 
where  the  statute  is  strictly  obeyed.  We  present  such  testimony 
as  we  have  received. 

Erastus  Maltby,  Esq.,  of  Taunton  writes  : “ I do  not  think 
the  law  of  the  State,  in  regard  to  the  working  of  children  in 
factories,  and  attending  school,  is  fully  and  faithfully  obeyed  in 
this  city.” 

Henry  Jennings,  Esq.,  of  New  Bedford,  writes:  “There  is  a 
considerable  number  of  cases  of  children  kept  away  from  school. 
They  are  employed  in  almost  all  kinds  of  labor.  Some  girls 
have  been  employed  as  young  as  seven.  One  man  who  has  I 
believe,  three  sons,  aged  respectively,  eight,  ten  and  twelvefold  a 


6 


HOURS  OF  LABOR. 


[Feb. 


gentleman  of  our  city  who  asked  him  if  it  did  not  go  hard  with 
so  young  a child  to  rise  so  early  in  the  morning, 4 that  it  was  a 
very  hard  thing  for  the  little  fellow  at  the  beginning,  but  that 
he  had  got  more  used  to  it  now,  and  stood  it  pretty  well.’  ” 

A letter  from  Sudbury  states  that  at  the  factory  in  Assabet, 
partly  in  that  town,  eleven  hours  are  required,  and  that  chil- 
dren are  at  work  there  who  should  be  at  school. 

Charles  Durfee,  Esq.,  of  Fall  River,  writes  : 44  Quite  a num- 
ber of  children  and  youth  are  employed  in  the  common 
operations  of  manufacturing.  To  a limited  extent  they  are 
kept  from  school  by  their  parents.” 

Another  letter  from  Fall  River,  stated  the  case  more  strongly. 
It  says  44  there  are  652  children,  of  both  sexes,  from  eight  to 
fourteen,  working  in  the  mills,  most  of  them  unable  to  read  or 
write,  all  kept  from  school.  A great  number  of  the  adults  are 
unable  to  write  their  name.” 

Similar  testimony  came  before  the  Commission  at  the 
hearings.  Robert  Bowers  of  Lawrence  stated,  44  there  is  a 
great  number  of  children  from  twelve  to  fifteen  years,  who 
work  at  night.  The  majority  of  those  who  do  night  work  are 
under  eighteen  years  of  age.  The  statute  prohibiting  the 
employment  of  children  under  twelve  years  of  age,  is  constantly 
violated  in  the  Lawrence  mills.” 

The  following  is  the 

Testimony  of  T.  J.  Kidd , of  Fall  River . 

Question.  Did  you  know  that  there  was  a statute  against  the  em- 
ployment of  such  children  ? 

Answer.  There  has  been  some  talk  about  it.  Only  among  a few 
working  men. 

Q.  You  have  a school  committee.  Have  you  ever  made  any  repre- 
sentations to  them  ? 

A.  Don’t  suppose  a word  was  ever  said  to  them  about  it. 

Q.  Was  there  ever  any  one  who  tried  to  cause  the  children  to  be 
sent  to  school  ? 

A.  Not  since  the  old  man  Robeson  died. 

Q.  Why  do  not  the  parents  send  them  to  school  ? 

A.  Small  help  is  scarce ; a great  deal  of  the  machinery  has  been 
stopped  for  want  of  small  help,  so  the  overseers  have  been  going  round 
to  draw  the  small  children  from  the  schools  into  the  mills ; the  same  as 
a draft  in  the  army. 


1866.] 


HOUSE— No.  98. 


7 


Q.  Do  I understand  that  agents  go  about  to  take  children  out  of  the 
schools,  and  put  them  into  the  mills? 

A.  They  go  round  to  the  parents  and  canvass  them.  This  produces 
nothing  but  misery  and  crime.  I have  looked  into  it  more  the  last  year 
than  before.  The  boys  and  girls  are  all  mixed  together,  from  seven 
years  up  to  thirteen,  and  are  entirely  demoralized.  One  demoralizes 
another.  They  get  so  that  they  don’t  care  for  their  employers  or  their 
parents.  The  next  thing  they  say  is,  “ I won’t  work.”  I can  go  round 
the  streets  of  Fall  River  in  the  night,  and  pick  up  boys  who  are  staying 
away  from  home,  and  who  won’t  work  because  they  are  so  demoralized. 
It  all  comes  from  their  not  having  schooling.  You  can  attribute  it  to  no 
other  cause. 

The  Testimony  of  John  Wild , also  from  Fall  River. 

I don’t  know  as  I have  any  more  to  say,  except  that  I have  two  little 
boys,  one  eleven  and  the  other  about  eight  and  a half.  I am  no  scholar 
myself,  because  I have  always  been  working  in  the  mill,  and  I am  sorry 
for  it.  I don’t  want  my  children  to  be  brought  up  in  the  same  way.  I 
wish  to  get  them  to  work  a little  less  hours,  so  that  I can  send  them  to 
night  school.  I want,  if  it  is  possible,  to  get  a law  so  that  they  can  go 
to  school,  and  know  how  to  read  and  write  their  names. 

Q.  Do  they  work  in  the  mill  ? 

A.  I have  been  forced  to  send  them  in.  My  earnings  would  not 
keep  the  door  open.  I had  to  send  them  in  to  help  me  earn  a living. 
They  are  getting  pretty  big,  and  they  want  a deal  of  clothing,  and  I 
could  not  get  it  out  of  my  earnings.  I wish  to  get  shorter  hours.  I 
am  willing  to  lose  the  extra  hours  for  the  good  of  my  children. 

Q.  Do  the  children  work  by  the  day  ? 

A.  By  the  day. 

Q.  How  old  are  the  children  ? 

A.  Seven  and  eight. 

Q.  Have  you  a child  of  seven  working  in  the  mill  ? 

A.  Yes,  I have. 

Q.  You  have  only  two  children  working  in  the  mill  ? 

A.  Only  two. 

Q.  What  wages  do  these  children  get? 

A.  $2.30  per  week,  the  smallest  one. 

Q.  Does  the  other  get  the  same  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  How  long  has  the  youngest  worked  in  a mill  ? 

A.  About  live  or  six  months. 

Q.  Had  he  been  kept  in  school  up  to  that  time  ? 


8 HOURS  OF  LABOR.  [Feb. 

A.  Yes,  sir,  but  he  didn’t  learn  much — not  so  much  as  I’d  like  to 
have  him. 

Q.  Does  he  get  any  schooling  now  ? 

A.  When  he  gets  done  in  the  mill,  he  is  ready  to  go  to  bed  ? He 
has  to  be  in  the  mill  ten  minutes  before  we  start  up,  to  wind  spindles. 
Then  he  starts  about  his  own  work,  and  keeps  on  till  dinner  time.  Then 
he  goes  home,  starts  again  at  one,  and  works  till  seven.  When  he’s  done, 
he  is  tired  enough  to  go  to  bed.  Some  days  he  has  to  clean  and  help 
scour  during  the  dinner  hour.  We  used  to  scour  all  dinner  hour,  but 
we  stopped  that  some  little  time  ago.  It  takes  us  till  about  half  past 
twelve ; some  days,  all  the  time.  Some  days  he  has  to  clean  spindles. 
Saturday  he’s  in  all  day. 

Q.  Is  there  any  limit  on  the  part  of  the  employers  as  to  the  age 
when  they  take  children  ? 

A.  They’ll  take  them  at  any  age  when  they  can  get  them,  if  they 
are  old  enough  to  stand. 

Q.  How  young  are  the  youngest  ? 

A.  I guess  the  youngest  is  about  seven.  There  are  some  that’s 
younger,  but  very  little. 

Q.  Do  you  know  that  your  children  are  working  contrary  to  law  ? 

A.  I didn’t  know  there  was  any  law. 

Q.  Did  you  know  that  if  I should  go  to  Fall  River  and  prosecute 
their  employer,  he  could  be  compelled  to  pay  a fine  for  employing  your 
children  ? 

A.  No,  sir,  being  no  scholar. 

We  have  presented  this  evidence,  which  might  easily  be 
extended,  and  which  has  not  been  controverted,  with  some 
fulness  of  detail  that  the  legislature  and  people  of  Massachu- 
setts may  know  the  criminal  violation  of  the  statutes  enacted 
in  good  faith  for  the  protection  and  schooling  of  that  portion  of 
the  children  of  our  Commonwealth  most  exposed  to  overwork 
and  neglect. 

We  feel  sure  that  this  evil  needs  only  to  be  seen  to  be 
removed.  Our  people  generally  have  had  no  conception  of  the 
existence  of  this  wrong.  They  have  felt  something  of  that 
happy  complacency  and  freedom  from  all  responsibility  in  the 
matter,  indicated  by  a writer  who  coolly  tells  the  Commission, 
that  “ the  State  law  regulates  the  attendance  at  school  of  chil- 
dren employed  by  manufacturing  companies.”  The  existence 
of  this  law  is  accepted  as  the  assurance  that  all  is  right.  But 


1866.] 


HOUSE— No.  98. 


9 


the  way  the  statute  “ regulates  ” the  matter,  is  seen  in  the 
evidence  presented. 

We  deem  this  branch  of  our  subject  one  of  deep  and  vital 
importance,  and  feel  confident,  that  a proper  examination  of 
the  whole  matter  in  all  its  bearings  will  lead,  not  merely  to  the 
faithful  observance  of  such  laws  as  we  have,  but  to  the  adoption 
of  a change  in  the  statute,  more  favorable  to  the  proper  devel- 
opment and  schooling  of  the  children  in  our  manufacturing 
districts. 


Proposed  Change  in  the  Law. 

It  is  as  plain,  that  children  from  twelve  to  eighteen  years  of 
age — the  period  best  fitted  to  the  acquisition  of  useful  knowl- 
edge— require  more  than  eleven  weeks  schooling,  annually,  as 
it  is  that  they  should  not  be  confined  to  eleven  hours  of  daily 
labor.  The  statute,  as  it  stands,  is  too  limited  in  time.  Mas- 
sachusetts, whose  pride  is  her  common  schools,  should  not 
permit  any  child  between  the  proper  school-going  age  and 
fifteen,  to  be  subjected,  either  through  the  avarice  of  the 
employer,  or  the  necessity  of  the  parents,  to  such  a curtailment 
of  the  educational  advantages  she  so  liberally  furnishes  for 
every  child. 

English  Experience. 

We  are  rushing  into  the  same  fearful  condition  in  which 
England  found  her  manufacturing  districts  years  ago.  The 
long  hours  for  children,  placed  at  an  early  and  delicate  age  in 
factories,  and  the  consequent  neglect  of  education,  led  so 
directly  to  a deterioration  in  health  and  character,  to  a letting 
down  of  the  whole  nature  and  constitution,  physical,  intellec- 
tual and  moral,  that  at  last  the  attention  of  thoughtful  minds 
and  the  sympathy  of  benevolent  hearts  were  enlisted,  and  what 
is  known  as  the  “ half-time  system  ” was  adopted  : giving  to 
each  child  under  a certain  age  a given  number  of  hours  school- 
ing every  day,  and  limiting  his  labor  in  the  factory  to  five  and 
a half  hours.  This  system  inaugurated  a new  era  in  the  con- 
dition of  the  manufacturing  districts.  Its  happy  effect  was 
presented  to  the  Commission  in  a valuable  paper  by  William 
P.  Atkinson  Esq.,  who  has  given  the  subject  careful  study.  Mr. 
Atkinson’s  testimony  is,  that  the  new  system  was  not  only  the 
2 


10 


HOURS  OF  LABOR. 


[Feb. 


means  of  producing  more  efficient,  intelligent  and  valuable 
laborers,  as  of  course  it  would  do,  but,  that  the  children  edu- 
cated on  the  half-time  system,  alternating  work  with  study, 
were  better  scholars  than  those  educated  in  the  schools  where 
no  work  was  required  ; thus  proving  not  only  the  value  of 
schools  to  the  children  of  the  poor,  but  the  value  of  labor  to  the 
children  of  the  rich.  As  our  common  school  system  is  so 
thoroughly  established,  and  as  all  our  manufacturing  villages 
have  more  or  less  a mixed  population,  the  children  of  mer- 
chants, mechanics  and  factory  operatives  attending  the  same 
school,  it  may  be  difficult,  (although  the  Commission  is  not 
unanimous  on  that  point,)  to  adopt  the  half-time  plan  in  detail ; 
but  we  may  secure  a part,  at  least,  of  its  beneficial  results,  by 
demanding  the  same  amount  of  schooling  as  now  indicated  in 
the  statutes,  every  six  months,  instead  of  every  twelve  months, 
as  now  provided  ; thus  doubling  the  amount  of  schooling,  and 
lessening  correspondingly  the  amount  of  labor. 

But  with  the  view  of  encouraging,  as  fast  and  as  far  as  prac- 
ticable, the  “ half-time  system,”  we  would  have  it  provided, 
that,  in  all  cases  where  this  system  is  adopted  and  carried  out 
in  good  faith,  the  laws  in  the  sections  referred  to  shall  not  be 
considered  binding. 

We  suggest,  also,  that  a suitable  person  or  persons  be  appointed 
by  the  governor,  and  clothed  with  full  power  of  inspection, 
whose  duty  shall  be  to  see  that  the  laws  concerning  this  subject 
be  faithfully  obeyed,  and  to  bring  suits  when  they  are  violated. 
Such  officers  should  report  annually  to  the  legislature  the 
condition  and  wants  of  that  class  of  children  to  which  the  law 
refers. 

It  is  plain  that  no  change  in  the  law  will  meet  the  difficulty, 
without  adequate  means  for  its  enforcement.  We  regard, 
therefore,  this  last  suggestion  as  vitally  important  to  the 
success  of  all  legislation  on  the  subject.  Here  has  been  one 
great  difficulty  with  the  law  as  it  stands.  Inadequate  as  it  is, 
it  has  not  been  enforced,  for  want  of  a responsible  person, 
willing  to  incur  the  odium  of  making  the  complaint,  and 
entering  upon  the  prosecution.  We  are  persuaded,  from  the 
testimony  before  us,  that  the  difficulty  in  enforcing  the  law 
does  not  lie  with  the  employer  or  the  parents  exclusively. 
Interest  and  necessity  both  combine  in  producing  the  violation, 


1866.] 


HOUSE— No.  98. 


11 


and  it  is  only  necessary  that  a thoroughly  competent  person 
whose  heart  is  in  the  work,  and  who  sees  clearly  the 
importance  of  the  law  to  the  highest  welfare  of  the  children,  be 
appointed  to  the  responsible  trust  of  securing  its  enforcement. 

We  urge  immediate  and  prompt  action  in  this  matter,  not 
only  on  the  high  grounds  of  humanity  and  religion,  which 
make  the  weak  and  needy  the  special  objects  of  fostering  and 
tender  care,  but  also  on  the  ground  of  enlightened  self-interest, 
which  is  always  found  to  be  in  harmony  with  right  principles  of 
action.  Health  and  education,  considered  in  their  higher 
relations  to  the  inner  life,  moral  force  and  sacred  uses  of  a 
being  “ made  but  little  lower  than  the  angels,”  cannot  be 
estimated.  We  need  the  arithmetic  of  heaven  for  that.  But 
we  may  make  some  approaches  toward  an  estimate  of  the 
'pecuniary  value  of  health  and  education  to  the  State , and  so 
see  more  clearly  that  in  exercising  a parental  care  over  her 
more  needy  children,  she  is  funding  capital  that  will  yield  the 
most  satisfactory  return.  We  ask  your  attention,  therefore,  to 
a few  facts  bearing  directly  upon  this  point. 

Pecuniary  V alue  of  Healthy  Men. 

In  the  u Memorial  of  the  Boston  Sanitary  Association,” 
submitted  to  the  legislature  in  1861, — a memorial  crowded 
full  of  thoughts  and  facts,  that  should  be  seriously  pondered  at 
every  fireside  in  the  Commonwealth, — it  is  estimated  from 
statistics  carefully  gathered  by  one  whose  name  carries  with  it 
well  earned  authority,  that  “ the  average  pecuniary  worth  of  a 
man,  during  the  self-sustaining  period,  from  fifteen  to  seventy, 
is  about  four  hundred  dollars  annually.  Supposing  the  whole 
of  the  productive  class  could  be  kept  in  working  order  through 
the  whole  period  allowed  to  the  most  favored,  and  they 
could  labor  fifty-five  years,  then  the  total  earnings  of  each 
would  be  twenty-seven  thousand  dollars,  and  his  life  would  be 
worth  so  much  to  the  State,  for  he  would  contribute  that 
amount  to  the  general  wealth  or  income.” 

Now  if  each  healthy  man,  who  lives  out  his  rounded  life  of 
threescore  and  ten,  has  a pecuniary  value  to  the  State  of 
twenty-seven  thousand  dollars,  which  value  is  of  course  reduced 
by  whatever  shortens  life,  or  impairs  health ; and  if  putting 
young  children,  from  seven  to  twelve  years  old,  into  factories  to 


12 


HOURS  OF  LABOR. 


[Feb. 


work  eleven  hours  a day  tends  to  the  production  of  a diseased, 
enfeebled,  inefficient  and  shortened  life,  how  plainly  it  is  for 
the  pecuniary  interest  of  the  State  to  put  a stop  to  this  wasteful 
as  well  as  inhuman  practice,  and  adopt  such  measures  as  shall 
best  conduce  to  the  healthy  physical  development  of  this  large 
class  of  children,  destined  to  become  wealth-producers  or 
wealth-consumers,  according  as  they  are  cared  for  or  neglected 
in  childhood. 

Pecuniary  Value  op  Education. 

The  value  of  education  to  the  material  wealth  of  the  State  is 
also  susceptible  of  similar  demonstration.  Hands  moved  by 
ignorant  brains  cannot  even  dig,  or  plough,  or  plane,  or  hew, 
or  weave,  in  successful  competition  with  those  guided  by  brains 
that  have  received  the  healthy  discipline  of  common  school 
training.  Mr.  Mann,  while  secretary  of  the  Board  of  Education, 
opened  a correspondence  “ with  many  of  the  most  practical, 
sagacious,  and  intelligent  business  men  ” of  the  State,  men  of 
large  observation,  who  had  large  numbers  of  men  in  their 
employment,  with  the  special  object  of  ascertaining  the  differ- 
ence in  productive  ability — natural  capacities  being  equal — 
between  the  educated  and  the  uneducated ; between  those  who 
had  been  trained  to  think  by  a good  common  school  education, 
and  those  whose  minds  have  been  left  in  the  rough.  We 
present  to  your  notice  some  of  the  results  of  his  investigations, 
gathered  from  his  fifth  annual  report. 

I.  K.  Mills,  Esq.,  of  Boston,  writes:  “ The  average  number 
of  operatives  annually  employed  for  the  last  three  years,  is 
1,200.  Of  this  number  there  are  forty-five  unable  to  write 
their  names.  The  difference  between  the  wages  earned  by 
the  forty-five  and  the  average  wages  of  an  equal  number  of 
the  better  educated  class  is  about  27  per  cent,  in  favor  of  the 
latter.  The  difference  between  twenty-nine  of  the  lowest  class 
and  twenty-nine  of  the  highest  is  66  per  cent.  My  belief  is 
that  the  best  cotton  mill  in  New  England,  with  such  operatives 
only  as  the  forty-five  mentioned  above,  who  are  unable  to  write 
their  names,  would  never  yield  the  proprietors  a profit.  I can- 
not imagine  any  situation  in  life  where  the  want  of  a common 
school  education  would  be  more  severely  felt,  or  be  attended 
with  worse  consequences  than  in  our  manufacturing  villages  ; 


1866.] 


HOUSE — No.  98. 


13 


nor,  on  the  other  hand,  is  there  anywhere  such  advantages 
can  be  improved  with  greater  benefit  to  all  parties.” 

H.  Bartlett,  Esq.,  of  Lowell,  writes  : “ I can  say  that  I have 
come  in  contact  with  a great  variety  of  character  and  disposi- 
tion, and  have  seen  mind  applied  to  productions  in  the 
mechanic  and  manufacturing  arts,  possessing  different  degrees 
of  intelligence,  from  gross  ignorance  to  a high  degree  of  cul- 
tivation ; and  I have  no  hesitation  in  affirming  that  I have 
found  the  best  educated  to  be  the  most  profitable  help ; even 
those  females  who  merely  tend  machinery  give  a result  some- 
what in  proportion  to  the  advantages  enjoyed  in  early  life  for 
education  ; those  who  have  had  a good  common  school  educa- 
tion giving  as  a class  invariably,  a better  production  than  those 
brought  up  in  ignorance. 

“ I have  uniformly  found  the  better  educated  as  a class 
possessing  a higher  and  better  state  of  morals,  more  orderly 
and  respectful  in  their  deportment,  and  more  ready  to  comply 
with  the  wholesome  and  necessary  regulations  of  the  establish- 
ment. And  in  times  of  agitation  on  account  of  some  change 
in  regulations  or  wages,  I have  always  looked  to  the  most 
intelligent,  best  educated  and  the  most  moral  for  support,  and 
have  seldom  been  disappointed.  For  while  they  are  the  last  to 
submit  to  imposition,  th zy  reason;  and  if  your  requirements 
are  reasonable,  they  will  generally  acquiesce,  and  exert  a 
salutary  influence  upon  their  associates  ; but  the  ignorant  and 
uneducated  I have  generally  found  the  most  turbulent  and 
troublesome,  acting  under  the  impulse  of  excited  passion  and 
jealousy.  * * * 

“ I am  aware  that  there  is  a feeling  to  a certain  but  I hope 
limited  extent,  that  knowledge  among  the  great  mass  is  danger- 
ous ; that  it  creates  discontent,  and  tends  to  insubordination. 
But  I believe  the  fear  is  groundless,  and  that  our  danger  will 
come  from  an  opposite  source.  * * * My  mind  has  been  drawn 
to  this  subject  for  a long  time.  I have  watched  its  operations 
and  seen  its  results,  and  am  satisfied  that  the  pecuniary  interest 
of  the  owner  is  promoted  by  the  general  diffusion  of  knowledge 
and  morality  of  those  in  his  employ.” 

John  Clark,  Esq.,  also  from  Lowell,  writes  : “ I have  had 
under  my  superintendence,  upon  an  average,  about  1,500 
persons  of  both  sexes,  and  my  experience  fully  sustains  and 


14 


HOURS  OF  LABOR. 


[Feb. 


confirms  the  results  to  which  Mr.  Bartlett  has  arrived.  I have 
found,  with  very  few  exceptions,  the  best  educated  among  my 
hands  to  be  the  most  capable,  intelligent,  energetic,  industrious, 
economical  and  moral ; that  they  produce  the  best  work  and 
the  most  of  it,  with  the  least  injury  to  the  machinery.  Iam 
very  sure  that  neither  men  of  property  nor  society  at  large 
have  anything  to  fear  from  a more  general  diffusion  of  knowl- 
edge. We  have  in  our  mills  about  180  females,  who  have  at 
some  time  been  engaged  in  teaching  schools.  Many  of  them 
teach  in  the  summer  months  and  work  in  the  mills  during  the 
winter.  The  average  wages  of  these  ex-teachers  I find  to  be 
17|  per  cent,  above  the  general  wages  of  our  mills,  and  forty 
per  cent,  above  the  wages  of  the  twenty-six  who  cannot  their 
names.” 

The  letters  from  which  we  have  made  these  extracts,  Mr. 
Mann  says,  “ are  a fair  specimen,  and  no  more  than  a fair 
specimen,  of  a mass  of  facts  which  I have  obtained  from  the 
most  authentic  sources.  They  seem  to  prove  incontestibly, 
that  education  is  not  only  a moral  renovator,  and  a multiplier 
of  intellectual  power,  but  that  it  is  also  the  most  prolific  parent 
of  material  riches.  It  has  a right,  therefore,  not  only  to  be 
included  in  the  grand  inventory  of  a nation’s  resources,  but  to 
be  placed  at  the  very  head  of  this  inventory.  Considering 
education  then  as  the  producer  of  wealth,  it  follows  that  the 
more  educated  a people  are,  the  more  will  they  abound  in  all 
those  conveniences,  comforts  and  satisfactions  which  money  will 
bring ; and  other  things  being  equal,  the  increase  of  com- 
petency, and  the  decrease  of  pauperism,  will  be  measurable  on 
this  scale.  * * * * Yet,  when  in  all  our  congressional 

debates  upon  this  subjects,  or  in  the  discussions  and  addresses 
of  national  conventions,  has  this  fundamental  principle  been 
brought  out,  and  one  at  least  of  its  most  important  and  legiti- 
mate influences  displayed,  viz. : that  it  is  our  wisest  policy  as 
citizens, — if  indeed  it  be  not  a duty  of  self-preservation  as 
men, — to  improve  the  education  of  our  whole  people,  both  in 
its  quantity  and  its  quality  ? ” 

We  are  happy  to  present  this  testimony  from  that  eminent 
Philanthropist,  and  prince  of  Education,  whose  truest  monu- 
ment— better  than  bronze,  and  more  enduring — is  seen  in  the 
improved  condition  of  the  common  schools  of  his  native  State, 


1866.] 


HOUSE— No.  98. 


15 


for  whose  welfare  he  gave  ten  years  of  his  noble  life.  “ Though 
dead,  he  still  speaketh.” 

Now,  when  even  the  material  wealth  of  the  State  is  so  vitally 
linked  with  the  health  and  education  of  the  industrial  classes, 
can  the  Commonwealth  afford  to  peril  her  prosperity,  by  per- 
mitting such  fatal  damage  to  the  health  and  culture  of  any 
portion  of  her  children  as  is  shown  in  the  evidence  presented  ? 

This  evil  is  not  indeed  confined  to  manufacturing  districts. 
A letter  from  Hadley  states  that,  “ some  children  are  kept 
weaving  palm-leaf,  to  the  detriment  of  their  schooling.’’ 
And  worse  yet,  that  “ boys  and  girls  are  also  in  the  tobacco 
fields  at  some  seasons  when  they  should  be  at  school.”  Another 
from  Chelmsford,  says,  “ many  boys  in  the  farming  towns  are 
unnecessarily  kept  from  school  to  help  about  planting  and  weed- 
ing, and  the  various  little  matters  known  among  farmers  as 
chores  in  winter.  So  that  a great  many  boys  grow  up  without 
a desire  for  education,  and  those  who  have  a desire  for  it  desert 
the  farm  as  soon  as  they  can,  disgusted  with  its  labors.” 

But,  while  the  evil  is  felt  to  some  extent  all  over  the  State, 
it  is  much  more  marked,  for  obvious  reasons,  in  manufacturing 
districts,  and  the  temptations  are  much  greater,  from  necessity 
on  the  one  hand,  and  the  profits  of  “ small  help”  on  the  other, 
to  sacrifice  the  innocent  victims  on  the  twin  altars  of  need  and 
greed.  Let  wholesome  laws,  such  as  a wise  policy  will  enact, 
be  rigidly  enforced  in  these  districts,  and  the  happy  influence 
would  flow  out  into  all  places  where  children  are  employed, 
enriching  the  farms  and  factories  with  a higher  class  of  labor- 
ers, and  giving  to  the  whole  State  a more  healthy,  intelligent, 
and  virtuous  population. 

The  salutary  influence  of  such  a law  would  be  felt  also  in 
our  State  asylums  and  almshouses, — for  a large  percentage  of 
the  children  sent  there  are  from  that  very  class  this  law  is 
designed  to  protect, — and  the  State  could  richly  afford  any 
necessary  assistance  to  needy  parents,  if  the  children  could 
thus  be  saved  from  the  perils  of  pauperism,  and  fitted  for 
honorable  and  useful  service. 

Besides  this,  there  are  between  one  and  two  hundred  chil- 
dren sent  out,  annually,  from  our  State  institutions  as  appren- 
tices or  otherwise.  The  number  of  such  in  all  parts  of  the  State 
and  the  adjoining  States,  cannot  be  less  than  a thousand.  At 


16 


HOURS  OF  LABOR. 


[Feb. 


present,  little  is  known  of  their  condition  and  treatment ; and 
the  appointment  of  a visiting  agent  has  often  been  urged  upon 
the  legislature.  It  would  seem,  therefore,  most  fitting,  that 
inspectors,  if  appointed,  should,  in  addition  to  the  duties  already 
indicated,  be  authorized  to  visit  this  class  of  children  and 
examine  into  their  condition.  We  would  also  suggest  the  pro- 
priety of  this  inspector,  or,  if  more  than  one,  the  chairman  of 
the  board,  being  a member,  ex-officio , of  the  Board  of  State 
Charities,  the  duties  of  the  office  being  akin  to  those  performed 
by  that  board. 

We  believe  the  people  of  this  State  are  ready  for  legislative 
action  in  the  direction  we  have  indicated.  Whatever  difference 
of  opinion  there  may  be  as  to  the  propriety  of  legislating  upon 
the  hours  of  labor  for  adults , all  believe  it  is  perfectly  legitimate 
for  the  State  to  legislate  for  the  protection  and  welfare  of  its 
children,  especially  for  those  most  exposed. 

There  is,  also,  we  think,  a growing  conviction,  that  young 
children,  if  employed  in  factories  at  all,  should  not  be  required 
to  labor  full  time.  Edward  Atkinson  Esq.,  treasurer  of  the 
Indian  Orchard  Mills,  near  Springfield,  stated  to  the  Commis- 
sion his  opinion,  that  the  present  statute  in  regard  to  limiting 
the  hours  of  labor  for  children  under  twelve  years,  was  not 
what  was  needed.  He  would  advise  the  adoption  of  the  English 
half-time  system.  He  had  attempted,  last  summer,  to  intro- 
duce a system  which  should  conduce  to  greater  health  among 
the  children  employed  by  the  corporation,  and  to  reduce  their 
hours  of  labor ; and,  though  he  had  met  with  some  difficulties, 
he  hoped  to  be  able  to  put  it  in  operation  the  coming  season. 

P.  T.  Jackson,  Esq.,  writes : “ I agree  with  Mr.  Atkinson, 
that  it  is  desirable  to  limit  the  hours  of  labor  for  children.  I 
doubt  very  much  the  propriety  of  allowing  them  to  work  before 
thirteen  or  fourteen  years  of  age.” 

Samuel  Fay,  Esq.,  of  Lowell,  writes  : “ In  no  case  do  I employ 
any  who  are  under  twelve  years  of  age.” 

More  and  more  clearly  are  thoughtful  men  coming  to  see  the 
evil  we  have  been  considering,  and  more  and  more  earnestly 
are  they  inquiring  for  a remedy.  Childhood  being  nature’s 
own  season  of  preparation  for  manhood,  it  is  evident,  that  to 
stunt  the  body  with  overwork,  or  leave  the  mind  in  ignorance, 
is  not  only  gross  cruelty  to  the  child,  which  will  surely  react  in 


1866.] 


HOUSE— No.  98. 


17 


righteous  retribution,  but  a deep  and  lasting  injury  to  the  vital 
elements  of  State  and  national  prosperity. 

The  Governor’s  Words. 

His  Excellency,  in  his  recent  Inaugural,  speaking  of  the 
importance  he  attaches  to  the  Annual  Report  from  the  Educa- 
tional Department,  says  : “ Other  reports  are  significant,  but  this 
is  elementary,  and  animates  all  the  rest.  Many  theories,  and 
laws,  and  systems,  prevail  in  Massachusetts,  but  they  all  at  last 
rest  upon  the  foundation  of  popular  education.  This  it  is 
which  imparts  to  her  character  at  home  dignity  and  power,  and 
which  gives  to  her  presence  in  the  circle  of  the  States  an  influ- 
ence which  outlives  the  transitory  fortunes  of  faction  and 
party.” 

The  Commission,  in  closing  this  part  of  their  Report,  have 
only  to  urge  upon  the  legislature,  respectfully  and  earnestly, 
that  every  child  of  the  State,  whether  by  birth  or  adoption, 
may  feel  the  redeeming  influence  of  these  truthful  words 
through  such  legislative  action  as  shall  secure  to  the  poorest 
and  least  cared  for  of  all  a reasonable  amount  of  those  educa- 
tional advantages  from  which  flow  “ dignity  and  power.” 
Let  the  State  give  to  every  child  a fair  chance  for  the  good 
outfit  of  a healthy  body,  and  an  educated  mind,  and  then  if,  at 
his  majority,  with  no  special  misfortune  intervening,  he  cannot 
get  his  own  living,  let  him  take  his  place  without  a murmur  in 
some  asylum  for  the  unfortunate,  or  school  for  the  “ feeble- 
minded,” while  the  State  works  on  in  undiscouraged  assurance 
that  better  material  will  produce  worthier  results.  We  think 
that  the  Commonwealth,  whose  boast  it  is  that  she  “ raises 
men,”  is  bound  to  take  special  care  that  through  no  fault  of 
hers  shall  the  immortal  crop  fail. 

II.  Adult  Labor. 

In  entering  upon  this  part  of  our  Report,  we  will  first  present 
in  brief  the  hours  of  labor  in  the  following  branches  of  industry, 
represented  at  the  hearings,  and  by  letter. 

Hours  op  Labor  in  the  Different  Trades. 

Shipivrig'/Us . — This  trade  has  two  departments — construction 
and  repairs — or  neiv  work  and  old  work.  For  new  work  the 
time  is  ten  hours  per  day,  from  7,  A.  M.,  to  6,  P.  M.,  with  an 


18 


HOURS  OF  LABOR, 


[Feb. 


interval  of  one  hour  for  dinner’;  except  when  the  sun  rises 
after  seven,  and  sets  before  six,  when  the  time  is  from  sun  to 
sun.  The  shortest  time  between  sun  and  sun  is  nine  hours 
twenty-four  minutes. 

On  old  work , the  time  in  summer  is  from  8,  A.  M.  to  4, 
P.  M.,  with  an  interval  of  twenty  minutes  in  the  forenoon  for 
lunch,  and  one  hour  for  dinner,  making  the  time  twenty 
minutes  less  than  eight  hours.  This  work  is  destructive  to 
clothes  and  tools  ; it  is  better  paid  than  the  other.  For  all 
overwork  double  pay  is  received.  Those  who  work  by  the  job, 
in  both  departments,  generally  work  the  same  number  of  hours 
as  those  by  the  day. 

Carpenters , Masons , Painters , Foundrymen — ten  hours. 

Machinists , — in  Boston  and  vicinity, — work  ten  hours.  Dur- 
ing the  last  year  some  shops  have  reduced  the  hours  to  nine  on 
Saturdays. 

Printers. — Generally  work  by  the  piece. 

Blacksmiths .• — The  usual  time,  ten  hours.  As  a general 
thing,  one  hour  off  on  Saturday. 

Iron  Moulders. — Average  time,  nine  and  one-half  hours  per 
day. 

Stone-Cutters. — Ten  hours  in  summer  ; after  November  15, 
from  7 1-2,  A.  M.,  till  dark. 

Mining  Iron  Ore. — Eleven  hours. 

Coopers. — Ten  hours  fifteen  minutes. 

Teamsters. — Eleven  hours  fifteen  minutes. 

Conductors  and  Drivers  of  Horse  Cars. — Fourteen  hours. 

Glass-  Workers. — Ten  hours  for  all  the  operatives,  except  the 
firemen  and  the  lead-makers , who,  being  obliged  to  alternate 
night  and  day,  work  twelve  hours. 

Paper-Makers , (Holyoke.) — Mill  hands,  twelve  hours. 

Factory  Operatives.— The  general  rule  in  the  large  manufac- 
turing towns  is  eleven  hours.  But  there  are  exceptions. 
Waltham  mills  are  reported  eleven  and  one-quarter  or  eleven 
and  one-half  hours  ; Middlefield  woollen  factory,  thirteen  hours. 

Needle-Women.  — Mainly  piece  work;  hours  variable — 
generally  long. 

Employees  of  the  American  Watch  Manufacturing  Company , 
Waltham. — Ten  hours.  Considerable  overwork  done,  which 
is  well  paid. 


1866.] 


HOUSE— No.  98. 


19 


Workmen  of  the  Southern  Cotton  Gin  Company , Bridge- 
water. — Ten  hours — less  in  winter. 

Bakers. — The  time  varies  in  different  establishments — from 
nine  and  one-half  to  seventeen  hours. 

Shoemakers , Harness- Makers,  Hatters. — Work  mainly  by  the 
piece.  Time  variable. 

Agriculturists. — Hired  labor,  twelve  hours  in  summer — less 
in  winter.  Those  who  own  their  farms  work  as  long  or  short 
as  they  please. 

From  this  brief  summary  it  appears  that  what  is  known  as 
the  “ Ten  Hour  System  ” is  generally  adopted  in  mechanical 
employments,  and  that  eleven  hours  is  the  general  rule  in 
cotton  factories.  The  shortest  time  established  by  custom  for 
a day’s  labor,  is  that  adopted  by  the  class  of  shipwrights 
engaged  on  “ old  work,”  seven  hours  forty  minutes.  The 
longest  time  is  seventeen  and  one-half  hours,  adopted  in  a few 
bakeries.  The  condition  of  the  workmen  in  this  department 
of  labor  we  deem  worthy  of  special  notice. 

Bakers. 

From  a carefully  prepared  table  sent  to  the  Commission,  giv- 
ing valuable  statistics  of  twenty  bakeries  in  Boston  and  vicinity, 
it  appears  that  in  two  shops  the  workmen  labor  seventeen  and 
one-half  hours,  in  one  other  seventeen  hours,  and  in  two  others 
sixteen.  In  four  shops  they  work  twelve  hours  a day  the  week 
through,  Sundays  included.  Cake-bakers  work  twelve  hours, 
with  an  additional  five  hours  on  Saturday  nights,  and  four 
hours  on  Sunday  morning.  The  evil  of  these  long  hours  is 
greatly  aggravated  by  the  fact,  that  in  most  bakeries  the  work 
is  done  mainly  in  the  night.  The  baker  begins  his  day  gener- 
ally in  the  afternoon,  and  closes  it  in  the  morning  from  four  to 
seven  o’clock.  All  the  shops  reported  to  us  work  Sundays, 
some  beginning  as  early  as  9,  A.  M.,  others  from  1 to  3,  P.  M. 
With  such  continuous  labor  at  long  hours,  reversing  the  order 
of  nature  by  turning  night  into  day,  sleeping  while  the  world 
is  waking,  and  waking  while  the  world  is  sleeping,  taking  only 
a part  of  Saturday — in  some  instances  not  even  that — as  a 
substitute  for  the  Sunday’s  rest,  so  precious  to  the  laborer,  we 
do  not  wonder  at  the  fact  shown  in  the  table,  that  in  nine  of 
the  bakeries  represented,  not  one  of  the  workmen  attended 


20  HOURS  OF  LABOR.  [Feb. 

church.  We  select  from  a report  accompanying  the  table  the 
following  brief  statements : 

“ Incapable  of  labor  at  forty-three  years.”  “Average  age  of 
apprenticeship,  fifteen  years.”  “ Their  boyhood  life,  from 
fifteen  and  upwards,  is  confined  to  their  trade.”  “ No  possible 
time  for  spiritual  or  mental  improvement.”  “ In  after  years 
the  time  absorbed  by  labor  and  sleep  precludes  the  possibility 
of  any  improvement.”  “ Almost  total  neglect  of  religious 
duty,  from  the  fact  of  Sunday  being  the  first  (work)  day  of  the 
baker’s  week.”  “ Consequent  passion  for  strong  drink.” 
“ Premature  decay  and  an  early  grave.” 

If  these  statements  can  be  relied  on,  the  Commission  are  of 
opinion  that  in  no  branch  of  industry  that  has  been  presented 
to  their  consideration,  is  there  greater  need  of  reform  than  in 
this,  which  furnishes  us  with  the  staff  of  life,  and  they  would 
express  their  hearty  sympathy  with  the  bakers  in  their  efforts 
to  lessen  the  hours  of  labor,  hoping  the  needed  change  may 
soon  be  accomplished. 

In  this  connection  we  submit  the  substance  of  what  we  have 
gathered,  in  response  to  the  question  of  our  circular  concern- 
ing the  “ wages  of  women  as  compared  with  those  of  men,  and 
particularly  the  wages  and  condition  of  that  large  class  of 
female  laborers  called  needle-women.” 

Wages  of  Women. 

In  reply  to  the  first  part  of  the  question  we  have  received 
widely  different  estimates,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  following 
extracts : — 

“ From  one-fourth  to  one-half  as  much  as  males.”  “ Some- 
thing more  than  one-third  the  wages  of  adult  men.”  “Women 
receive  about  two-thirds  the  price  of  men.”  “Wages  of  women 
compare  favorably  with  those  of  men.”  “ Wages  of  women  are 
continually  increasing.” 

From  Holyoke  we  receive  the  statement,  “Women  earn  from 
seventy-five  cents  to  one  dollar  per  day.”  From  Chicopee , 
“ Women  can  earn  about  90  per  cent,  as  much  as  men.” 
From  Lowell , “ Males  average  $1.39  per  day  ; females  96  cents 
per  day.”  From  Fall  River , “ Most  of  them  are  paid  by  the 
pound  or  the  piece  ; and  the  amount  earned  varies  greatly, 
according  to  the  habits  and  capacity  of  the  employees.  When 


1866.] 


HOUSE— No.  98. 


21 


they  are  brought  directly  in  competition  with  males,  we  find 
the  average  earnings  but  very  little  less.”  From  Lawrence , 
“ Women  are  now  paid  very  liberally  ; in  many  departments 
receiving  as  much  daily  wages  as  men.  I see  no  reason  why 
they  should  not  be  paid  as  much  for  the  same  work,  but  they 
are  rarely  able  to  do  as  much.” 

We  are  glad  to  put  on  record  sentiments  so  liberal  and  just 
as  those  from  Lawrence,  and  to  believe,  notwithstanding  some 
discouraging  facts,  that  the  wages  of  women  are  continually 
increasing.  We  hope  this  movement  in  the  right  direction 
will  be  seen  not  only  among  the  more  favored  classes  of  work- 
women, who  are  able  to  plead  their  own  cause,  but  that  it  may 
reach  that  large  class  of  female  laborers  called 

Needle-Women. 

This  is  a broad  term,  since  there  are  few  women  of  any  use 
in  the  world,  who  do  not  ply  the  needle  more  or  less.  But  we 
use  the  the  term  to  designate  those  who  are  dependent 
upon  their  needle  for  support.  Some  of  this  class, — milliners, 
dress-makers,  tailoresses,  etc., — are  well  paid.  Their  services 
are  in  demand ; they  fill  respectable  places  in  society  ; their 
worth  is  recognized  ; they  live  comfortably,  sometimes  lay  up 
money.  A writer  from  Newton  Lower  Falls  says,  “ Several 
here,  by  working  out  and  taking  in  work,  and  taking  work  to  be 
done  evenings  have  supported  their  families  and  laid  up  money  ; 
one  over  82,000.”  This  is  as  it  should  be.  We  rejoice  in  such 
facts,  and  desire  to  see  them  multiplied. 

But  there  is  another  and  a very  different  class  of  needle- 
women, in  our  cities  especially,  whose  condition  is  in  sad  con- 
trast with  those  named  above.  Many  of  them  unskilful  with 
the  needle,  but  needy,  and  obliged  to  work  on  coarse  sewing  for 
whatever  they  can  get ; who  “live  from  hand  to  mouth,”  or  try 
to,  though  the  hand  furnishes  the  mouth  with  but  scanty 
supply.  We  have  sought  earnestly  for  information  concerning 
this  class,  but  have  received  less  that  is  definite  to  report  than 
the  subject  demands.  One  of  the  ministers-at-large  in  this 
city  writes,  in  response  to  our  inquiry, — 

u The  condition  of  the  needle-women  of  Boston  has  long  engaged  my 
attention  and  called  forth  my  sympathies.  * * It  is  with  difficulty 

that  those  who  do  plain  sewing  can  earn  more  than  three  dollars  per 


22 


HOURS  OF  LABOR. 


[Feb. 


week.  I have  known  women  to  make  coarse  pantaloons  as  low  as 
eighty-four  cents  a dozen,  and  flannel  shirts  for  seventy-five  cents  a 
dozen ; being  able  to  make  only  a dozen  of  either  of  these  in  a week. 
But  these  are  extreme  cases.” 

Speaking  of  the  remedy  for  this  evil,  and  how  the  price  of 
such  labor  may  be  increased,  he  says  : — 

“ If  the  wives  and  daughters  of  farmers,  who  do  not  need  the  employ- 
ment, would  cease  doing  ‘ slop  work/  and  young  women  would  go  into 
good  families  as  1 help/  instead  of  insisting  on  getting  a living  by  the 
needle,  there  would  be  such  a demand  for  labor  that  the  prices  would 
increase  ; and  thus  poor  widows  and  others,  who  are  obliged  to  depend 
upon  the  use  of  the  needle  for  a livelihood,  would  be  able  to  support 
themselves  comfortably,  and  that,  too,  without  trenching  upon  the  hours 
needed  for  sleep.” 

We  have  no  doubt  of  the  truth  of  these  suggestions.  But 
they  only  show  how  deep  the  evil  is,  and  how  difficult  of 
removal,  save  by  the  slow  action  of  those  mental  and  moral 
forces  that  strike  through  the  outward  condition  and  take  hold 
of  the  character. 

In  the  meantime,  what  can  be  done  to  meet  the  immediate 
and  pressing  want  ? 

The  Needle-woman* s Friend  Society , formed  for  the  pur- 
pose of  giving  employment  with  adequate  compensation,  to 
indigent  females,  is  doing  a good  work  in  a quiet  way.  But 
its  means  are  limited.  It  furnishes  a small  amount  of  work 
during  the  winter  to  about  fifty  women,  who  work  on  coarse 
sewing  ; and  to  about  sixty  the  year  through,  of  a better  class, 
who  sew  on  fine  work.  Even  the  small  amount  earned  by 
those  who  work  on  coarse  sewing, — from  fifty  cents  to  one 
dollar  a week, — is  eagerly  sought  for  and  gratefully  received  as 
an  essential  means  of  paying  the  weekly  rent,  or  supplying 
some  imperative  want.  We  think  this  society  worthy  of  a 
richer  treasury  and  a more  generous  patronage. 

The  New  England  Women’s  Auxiliary  Association , Special 
Belief  Branch — have  also  been  expending,  most  wisely, 
some  of  their  surplus  sanitary  funds  during  the  present  winter 
in  furnishing  work  for  soldiers’  widows,  and  needy  persons 
connected  with  soldiers’  families.  Of  the  three  hundred  reg- 
ular dependents  upon  this  society,  about  sixty  are  furnished 
with  a small  amount  of  work  weekly,  and  we  are  assured  by 


1866.] 


HOUSE— No.  98. 


23 


the  managers  of  this  charity  that  five  hundred  of  this  class 
might  be  beneficially  aided  in  this  way,  if  they  had  the  means. 

During  the  war,  certain  noble  women  in  our  city  united  in 
obtaining  government  contracts  for  a certain  class  of  cloth- 
ing, in  order  to  supply  the  needle-women  with  work  at  a fair 
price,  giving  those  who  made  the  garments  not  only  the  benefit 
of  the  contract,  but  much  more,  in  some  instances,  than  was 
received.  In  this  way  about  nine  hundred  or  one  thousand 
women  were  employed.  Still,  there  were  more  applicants  than 
work  ; and  the  eagerness  with  which  the  work  was  sought,  the 
gratitude  expressed  for  it,  the  marked  improvement  of  the 
women  thus  furnished  with  decently  paid  employment,  not  only 
in  the  manner  of  doing  their  work,  but  in  deportment  and 
general  character,  showing  a grateful  appreciation  of  patient 
instruction  and  kind,  womanly  sympathy  ; — all  these  manifest 
fruits  were  such  as  to  show  how  much  might  be  done  through 
some  such  agency,  if  wisely  conducted,  by  women,  not  by  men, 
not  only  for  the  present  relief,  but  the  permanent  benefit  of  this 
large  class  so  deeply  needing  friendly  aid.  We  are  fully  aware 
that  all  such  remedies  relieve  rather  than  cure.  But  the  cure 
is  just  that  for  which  the  world  has  waited  long.  We  hope  it 
may  be  near;  but  it  may  be  distant;  and  while  “social 
science  ” is  busy,  as  it  should  be  with  this,  among  other  great 
problems  of  social  reform,  we  think  much  real  good  might  be 
done  by  some  such  method  as  that  we  have  described,  only  on 
a larger  scale,  by  which  a common  kind  of  work  should  be 
furnished  exclusively  to  the  needle-women  of  the  cities  at  a 
living  price. 

With  these  details,  which  we  have  thought  proper  to  present 
as  bearing  directly  upon  “ the  condition  and  prospects  of  the 
industrial  classes,1 ” we  pass  to  the  great  question  in  the  discussion 
of  which  this  Commission  originated. 

III.  Reduction  op  the  Hours  of  Labor. 

Nearly  all  the  employees  in  the  various  branches  of  labor 
represented  at  the  hearings  and  by  letter,  were  in  favor  of  a 
reduction.  Nearly  all  the  employers  were  against  a reduction. 
Some  of  the  exceptions  we  shall  notice  in  another  connection. 
We  give,  below,  a brief  digest  of  the  common  arguments,  pro 
and  con , in  parallel  columns : 


24 


HOURS  OF  LABOR. 


[Feb. 


Pro. 

Overwork  is  the  fruitful  source  of 
innumerable  evils.  Ten  and  eleven 
hours  daily  of  hard  labor  are  more 
than  the  human  system  can  bear,  save 
in  a few  exceptional  cases, — more 
than  would  be  needed  if  each  would 
do  his  share.  It  cripples  the  body, 
ruins  health,  shortens  life.  It  stunts 
the  mind,  gives  no  time  for  culture, 
no  opportunity  for  reading,  study  or 
mental  improvement.  It  leaves  the 
system  jaded  and  worn,  with  no  ability 
to  study.  It  tempts  to  spend  the  little 
time  between  work  and  sleep,  in 
trashy  reading,  that  amuses  rather 
than  improves.  It  tends  to  dissipation 
in  various  forms.  The  exhausted  sys- 
tem craves  stimulants.  This  opens 
the  door  to  other  indulgences,  from 
which  flow  not  only  the  degeneracy 
of  individuals,  but  the  degeneracy 
of  the  race.  Workingmen  as  a class 
are  thus  let  down,  and  the  whole  com- 
munity suffers.  Reduce  the  hours  of 
labor  and  you  will  see  a change.  Give 
the  workingman  time  for  home  duties, 
for  self-improvement,  and  then  if  he 
does  not  use  it  wisely,  it  is  his  own 
fault.  He  asks  for  an  opportunity  to 
show  himself  a man,  for  a fair  chance 
to  use  his  brain  as  well  as  his  muscles. 

Not  only  the  interest  of  the  laborer 
but  of  labor,  demands  a reduction  of 
hours.  You  must  make  labor  toler- 
able before  you  can  make  it  honorable. 
It  is  degraded  by  ignorance,  it  is  elev- 
ated by  intelligence.  To  dignify 
work,  you  must  dignify  the  workman. 
This  is  the  workingman’s  country. 
The  welfare  of  the  State  and  nation 
demand  that  time  be  given  him  to  fit 
himself  for  worthy  citizenship.  A free 
country  demands  an  intelligent  as  well 
as  a free  people.  Now,  while  the 
nation  is  being  reconstructed,  is  the 
time  to  reconstruct  our  labor  system. 


Con. 

Men  are  injured  by  idleness  more 
than  by  overwork.  Ten  die  of 
“ nothing  to  do,”  where  one  dies  of 
doing  too  much.  Men  and  women 
used  to  work  twelve  or  fifteen  hours  a 
day  without  injury.  It  is  only  the 
drones  who  plead  for  a reduction. 
Grant  them  eight  hours  and  soon  they 
will  work  only  six.  The  race  is  degen- 
erating for  lack  of  good  honest  work. 
It  is  not  labor,  but  vice  in  various 
forms,  that  cripples  the  body  and  stul- 
tifies the  mind.  More  leisure  would 
lead  to  more  vice  and  crime.  Hours 
saved  from  labor  would  be  given  to 
dissipation.  What  men  most  need  for 
improvement  is  not  leisure  but  dispo- 
sition. One  who  really  wishes  to 
improve,  will  find  or  make  opportu- 
nity. “ Where  there’s  a will  there’s  a 
way.”  Men  of  mark  are  men  of  work. 
Reduce  hours  and  you  reduce  pay. 
Reduce  pay  and  you  reduce  the  facil- 
ities of  living.  Reduce  the  facilities 
of  living  and  you  reduce  the  means  of 
improvement.  So  the  workingmen 
act  against  their  own  interest  in  ask- 
ing legal  restrictions.  To  legislate 
upon  labor  is  to  degrade  it.  Reduce 
the  hours  of  labor  in  one  Slate,  and 
you  drive  business  and  capital  into 
another.  Let  the  matter  alone  and  it 
will  regulate  itself.  The  law  of  supply 
and  demand  is  better  than  any  statute. 
Things  are  well  as  they  are,  wages 
are  high,  all  kinds  of  business  are 
prosperous,  poor  people  are  laying  up 
money  as  never  before.  It  is  the  worst 
time  in  the  world  to  agitate  such  a 
subject.  We  are  loaded  down  with  a 
national  debt.  We  must  pay  it  off. 
We  need  all  hands  at  work  for  this. 
Let  us  all  take  hold  with  a will,  quit 
grumbling,  and  labor  itself  will  be  a 
means  not  only  of  wealth,  but  improve- 
ment, physical,  mental,  and  moral. 


1866.] 


HOUSE— No.  98. 


25 


These  parallel  columns,  which  might  be  extended  through 
pages  with  the  same  result,  give  of  course,  but  a limited  and 
inadequate  idea  of  what  is  said  for  and  against  a reduction  of 
the  hours  of  labor.  They  are  designed  only  as  a “ brief  ” of 
the  more  prominent  thoughts  on  both  sides  of  the  question. 

Reserving  for  another  part  of  our  Report,  our  own  views 
upon  the  general  subject  of  a reduction  of  hours,  we  pass  to  a 
consideration  of  the  proposed 

Eight  Hour  Law. 

Those  in  favor  of  a reduction  of  hours  were  not  all  agreed  as 
to  the  wisdom  of  an  eight  hour  law.  Some  thought  that  the 
change  from  eleven  hours  to  eight  hours  was  too  great,  and 
that  factory  operatives  should  be  content  with  a change  from 
eleven  to  ten.  There  was  a difference  of  opinion  also  in  regard 
to  the  nature  of  the  proposed  law.  Some  of  the  workingmen 
advocated  a prohibitory  statute,  making  it  penal  to  work 
more  than  eight  hours.  The  objections  to  this  are  too  obvious 
to  need  more  than  a passing  notice. 

The  workingman’s  power  to  labor  is  not  only  his  present 
capital,  but  the  source  of  all  his  future  capital.  It  is  his  living. 
It  stands  for  food,  clothes,  home,  for  himself  and  his  family.  It 
stands  for  school-house,  lecture-room,  church,  newspaper, 
library,  travel,  social  position,  everything  that  lifts  him  out  of 
pauperism  into  manly  independence, — and  the  legislature  that 
shall  attempt  to  limit  by  law  the  workingman’s  right  to  the 
free  use  of  that  capacity  so  vitally  linked  with  everything  dear 
to  a man,  would  be  justly  chargeable,  either  with  gross  folly  or 
high-handed  tyranny.  Children  and  minors  may  be  properly 
restrained  for  their  own  good.  But  when  the  season  of 
pupilage  is  over,  and  the  goal  of  manhood  reached,  then  it  is 
for  the  man , and  not  the  State  to  say  how  many,  or  how  few 
hours  in  the  day  he  will  use  hand  or  brain  for  himself  or  those 
dear  to  him. 

But  the  great  majority,  growing  at  last  to  a good  degree  of 
unanimity,  asked  only  that  “ eight  hours  ” should  be  regarded 
as  a legal  day,  in  the  absence  of  a special  contract.  Such 
action  on  the  part  of  the  State  would  give,  it  was  thought,  a 
kind  of  moral  countenance  to  the  movement,  and  tend 
4 


HOURS  OF  LABOR. 


26 


[Feb. 


gradually  to  its  adoption,  without  interfering  in  any  way  with 
individual  liberty. 

It  is  true  that  such  a law  would  seem  to  be  quite  harmless, 
save  the  needless  trouble  it  would  cause  in  making  special 
contracts  ; for  mills  would  still  run  as  long  as  the  proprietors 
deemed  best,  and  men  and  women  would  still  work  as  many 
hours  as  they  pleased. 

But  this  of  itself  appears  to  the  Commission  a serious 
objection  to  such  a law.  Its  inefficiency  would  render  it 
worthless , as  well  as  harmless.  We  have  too  many  laws 
already  on  the  statute  book  for  “ moral  influence  ; ” — laws  that 
are  continually  evaded, — that  nobody  thinks  of  obeying, — that 
are  dead,  and  like  all  other  dead  things,  should  be  buried.  We 
deem  it  very  unwise  to  multiply  such  laws. 

But  the  radical  objection  to  making  eight  hours,  or  any  other 
number  of  hours,  a legal  day’s  work,  is  that  such  a law,  giving 
one  measure  of  time  for  all  branches  of  labor,  would  be 
unequal  in  its  action.  There  are  some  employments  at  which 
men  may  work  ten,  or  even  twelve  hours,  with  less  wear  and 
tear  than  they  could  work  six,  at  others.  Dr.  Jarvis,  of 
Dorchester,  to  whom  we  have  already  alluded,  says,  in  a letter 
to  a member  of  the  Commission,  that  he  employs  his  clerks 
who  are  engaged  upon  statistics  and  calculations  requiring 
great  concentration  of  mind,  only  seven  hours  a day,  believing 
this  to  be  as  long  as  they  can  work  safely  and  accurately.  He 
says  also  in  regard  to  the  proposed  law, 


“ It  seems  neither  expedient  nor  just,  to  establish  any  single  measure 
of  time  to  be  applied  to  occupations  which  make  such  different  drafts  on 
the  human  forces.  The  severity  or  lightness  of  labor,  the  violence  of 
exertion,  as  in  wielding  the  sledge  hammer,  lifting  stone,  or  on  the  other 
hand,  tailoring,  shoemaking,  engraving,  etc. ; the  persistence  or  variable- 
ness of  the  exertions,  employments  that  require  the  exercise  of  one  set 
of  muscles  only,  as  in  drilling  rocks  with  the  drill-bar,  or  of  all  the 
muscles  of  the  body,  as  farming  and  gardening, — all  these  have  their 
influence  in  the  expenditure  and  exhaustion  of  force,  and  the  continu- 
ance of  the  supply  of  strength  and  power  to  labor,  and  all  should  be 
considered  in  determining  the  hours  that  should  be  given  to  work.” 

“ The  same  discrimination  should  be  applied  to  the  other  circum- 
stances of  labor — the  exposure  to  the  severity  of  the  elements,  to 
intense  cold  or  intense  heat,  and  to  storms ; — also  the  supply  of  air. 


1866.] 


HOUSE— No.  98. 


27 


Those  who  work  in  small  shops,  dangerously  small  for  the  respiration  of 
the  occupants,  can  work,  or  ought  to  work,  less  than  those  who  work  in 
the  free  air  abroad.  The  purity  of  the  air  as  affected  by  the  material 
worked  upon,  or  the  processes  conducted,  the  lightness  or  darkness  of 
the  place,  in  some  employments  the  effect  of  contact  with  the  matter 
handled — all  these  have  very  important  effects  on  the  health  and  the 
continuance  of  labor.  ” 

These  statements  are  based  on  undeniable  facts.  They  show 
the  inherent  objection  to  one  measure  of  time  for  all  branches 
of  labor.  Such  legislation  would  necessarily  be  partial , 
favoring  light  and  healthy  labor,  much  more  than  the  heavy 
and  unhealthy.  We  see  no  possibility  of  impartial  legislation 
on  the  subject,  except  by  fixing  different  hours  for  different 
employments  ; and  such  nice  adjustments  would  be  too  delicate 
a matter  for  legislators  to  attempt.  None  but  the  workmen 
themselves,  or  those  who  make  the  subject  a special  study, 
would  be  qualified  to  judge  in  such  matters. 

But  still  another  objection  to  an  eight  hour  law  is  the 
exceeding  difficulty,  not  to  say  impossibility  of  applying  it  to 
some  of  the  most  common  and  necessary  branches  of  labor. 
All  domestic  and  household  work  must  be  an  exception.  For 
if  somebody  did  not  work  more  than  eight  hours  at  home , 
work  abroad  would  have  to  be  reduced  at  least  to  six  hours,  or 
the  laborer  would  be  obliged  to  go  to  work  without  his 
breakfast,  and  to  bed  without  his  supper.  Market-men, 
provision  dealers,  grocers,  and  all  such  as  supply  the  daily 
recurring  wants  of  workingmen,  could  not  adopt  it,  for  it  is 
only  before  or  after  the  day’s  work  that  the  laborer  can  attend 
to  these  imperative  wants  of  himself  and  household. 

The  farming  interest  also,  the  great  staple  industrial  interest 
of  the  State  and  the  country,  could  not  adopt  it.  Cows  must 
be  milked  when  udders  are  full,  and  “ hay  must  be  made  while 
the  sun  shines.  ” Leander  Witherell,  Esq.,  who  ably  repre- 
sented the  agriculturists  at  the  hearings,  presented  the 
following  facts  as  indicating  the  extent  of  this  branch  of 
industry  in  our  country  : “ In  1860  the  amount  of  cultivated 

land  in  the  United  States  was  163,110,720  acres.  The 
estimated  cash  value  of  these  farms  that  year  was  $6,645,045,- 
007.  ” This  value  had  more  than  doubled  in  the  ten  previous 
years.  Suppose  the  value  to  have  increased  in  the  same  ratio 


28 


HOURS  OF  LIBOR. 


[Feb. 


since  then — a low  estimate — and  the  present  value  would  be 
about  ten  billions  of  dollars.  It  is  a serious  consideration  that 
this  vast  interest  of  the  country  could  not  conform  to  an  eight 
hour  law,  if  adopted. 

The  same  is  true  of  all  ocean,  lake,  and  river  navigation. 
Lee  shores,  squalls  and  sunken  reefs  on  sea  and  lake  ; narrow 
channels,  swift  currents  and  grounded  snags  on  rivers,  do  not 
admit  of  any  eight’  hour  restrictions,  but  require  a law  of 
watchful  vigilance  that  cannot  be  regulated  by  any  fixed 
measure  of  time. 

To  obviate  these  objections  it  has  been  suggested  that  the 
law,  if  passed,  should  not  be  general  but  specific  in  its  applica- 
tion ; that  it  should  be  limited  to  the  employees  of  the  State, 
and  the  United  States ; that  in  our  navy  yards,  public  works, 
etc.,  the  eight  hour  law  should  be  adopted.  This,  it  is  said, 
would  satisfy  the  workingmen  as  a first  step,  and  could  be 
easily  done  without  disturbing  any  private  interests. 

We  admit  this  could  be  easily  done.  As  the  average  time  in 
navy  yards  is  only  a little  more  than  nine  hours  a day  now,  the 
change  would  not  be  seriously  felt,  save  in  swelling  the  crowd 
of  applicants  for  employment  on  the  public  works. 

Our  objection  to  this  proposition  is  that  such  legislation 
would  be  partial  in  a very  offensive  sense.  It  would  embrace 
not  only  a very  few,  comparatively,  of  the  workingmen  of  the 
State,  but  the  very  class  least  needing  legislation,  because  least 
exposed  to  injury  from  overwork. 

The  Commission  therefore  are  opposed  to  the  adoption  of  an 
eight  hour  law. 

1.  Because  they  deem  it  unsound  in  principle  to  apply  one 
measure  of  time  to  all  kinds  of  labor. 

2.  Because,  if  adopted  as  a general  law,  in  the  way 
proposed,  it  would  be  rendered  void  by  special  contracts,  and 
so  add  another  to  the  dead  laws  that  cumber  the  statutes. 

3.  Because  a very  large  proportion  of  the  industrial  inter- 
ests of  the  country  could  not  observe  it. 

4.  Because  if  restricted,  as  some  propose,  to  the  employees 
of  the  State,  it  would  be  manifestly  partial , and  therefore 
unjust. 

, We  will  now  ask  the  attention  of  the  General  Court  to 


1866.] 


HOUSE— No.  98. 


29 


IV.  The  Relation  of  Capital  to  Labor. 

Capital  is  the  result  of  labor,  viewed  in  relation  to  the  pro- 
duction of  value.  But  it  cannot  produce  value  except  in 
co-operation  with  further  labor.  Hence,  since  labor  alone 
originated  capital,  and  capital  can  produce  nothing  without 
labor,  labor  is  manifestly  in  an  important  sense  superior  to 
capital.  It  is  its  creator  and  preserver.  This  relation  is  too 
manifest  to  escape  the  comprehension  of  the  dullest  workman. 
Hence  very  naturally  arises  the  thought  in  his  mind,  if  his 
ability  to  labor  happens  to  constitute  his  own  entire  capital, 
“my  labor  is  better  entitled  to  the  value  produced  by  its 
co-operation  with  my  neighbor’s  capital,  than  is  his  ownership 
of  the  capital  in  the  absence  of  any  co-operating  labor  of  his 
own.  ” And  this  thought  is  certainly  true  in  regard  to  priority 
of  claim,  at  least.  The  right  of  the  living  laborer  to  enjoy 
fruit  comes  before  that  of  the  inanimate  capital.  This  right 
obtains  practical  shape  in  the  elementary  calculations  on  which 
industrial  enterprises  are  founded,  thus  : wages  are  set  down 
almost  uniformly  as  something  like  a fixed  or  constant  quantity 
to  the  debit  of  the  account,  before  the  value  of  the  great 
contingent,  or  variable,  the  profit  of  capital,  is  ascertained. 
Wages  are  to  be  positively  paid,  at  a prescribed  rate,  whether 
the  mere  capital  is  to  gain  or  lose  by  the  co-operation,  or  joint 
agency. 

But  the  workingman  misunderstands  his  own  interests  as 
well  as  his  own  rights,  if  he  conceives  that  because  his  right 
has  a natural  priority  to  that  of  capital,  he  can  invoke  legisla- 
tion to  interfere  in  the  bargain  between  him  and  the  capitalist, 
and  give  him  a larger  share  of  the  value  that  is  or  may  be 
produced,  than  the  capitalist  is  willing  to  agree  to.  The 
legislature  cannot  take  the  first  step  in  this  direction,  without 
so  far  subverting  the  right  of  individual  property,  and  estab- 
lishing communism.  The  legislature  may  define  what  things 
shall  be  the  subjects  of  property  and  what  shall  not,  but  having 
admitted  anything  to  be  the  subject  of  property,  it  cannot 
without  self-contradiction  take  it  from  one  man  and  give  it  to 
another,  unless  it  can  allege  some  just  cause  of  such  action,  or 
some  crime.  It  is  no  cause  of  action  to  allege  that  one  man 
has  more  than  he  needs  and  another  less  than  he  desires. 


80 


HOURS  OF  LABOR. 


[Feb. 


Province  of  Law. 

Law  having  declined  the  task  of  establishing  communism, — 
that  is,  of  being  a substitute  for  the  spiritual  forces  of  the 
entire  community, — begins  by  admitting  the  right  of  the 
individual  laborer  to  the  capital  he  creates.  He,  rather  than 
any  other,  should  enjoy  the  fruit  of  his  own  labor.  This 
implies  that  he  may  consume,  exchange,  save  or  use  it  as  he 
pleases,  so  long  as  he  injures  no  one  else  thereby.  Has  he 
wrought  a flint  chisel,  arrow,  or  tomahawk  ? No  one  else  shall 
use  it,  says  the  law,  but  with  his  consent  and  on  his  terms.  It 
may  be  his  duty  as  a man  or  a savage  to  lend  it,  but  the  law 
has  not  undertaken  the  business  of  making  him  generous,  but 
only  safe  and  harmless.  It  leaves  room  for  gospel.  The 
essence  of  law  is  nothing  but  force.  If  it  undertakes  to  make 
men  good,  what  becomes  of  its  protection  of  the  rights  of 
property  ? This  would  be  a usurpation  of  the  throne  of  God., 
and  even  He,  with  the  hearts  of  all  men  open  before  Him, 
makes  an  impartial  distribution  of  His  rain  and  sunshine. 

Law  may  regulate  the  descent  of  property,  that  is,  it  may 
distinguish  between  the  will  of  the  dead  and  the  living.  It 
may  tax  property  for  its  own  protection.  But  it  cannot  invade 
the  principle  that  a loyal  man  has  a right  to  do  as  he  pleases 
with  his  own,  in  the  case  of  the  millionaire,  without  damaging 
it  in  the  person  of  the  day  laborer. 

If  the  vast  profits  of  certain  accumulations  of  capital  were 
reduced,  to  raise  wages  above  the  market  price  brought  about 
by  the  present  unchecked  relation  of  supply  to  demand,  the 
temporary  benefit  to  the  laborer  may  be  admitted.  But  it  may 
be  questioned  whether  this  benefit,  however  caused,  could  be 
permanent.  And  if  it  resulted  from  legal  compulsion  rather 
than  the  spontaneous  sympathy  of  the  capitalist  with  the 
laborer,  it  is  little  less  than  certain  that  the  reaction  would 
worse  than  efface  it. 

This  utter  impotence  of  law  to  check  the  accumulation  of 
property  in  the  hands  of  a comparatively  few,  and  to  govern 
the  distribution  of  values  produced,  is  certainly  melancholy  in 
some  aspects.  It  seems  sad  to  think  that  in  a civilization  so 
abounding  in  wealth  as  ours,  tens  of  thousands  whose  daily 
labor  is  creating  the  capital  which  swells  by  millions  per  annum 
in  the  hands  of  a few  hundreds  of  other  and  probably  not 


1866.] 


HOUSE— No.  98. 


31 


worthier  men,  should  themselves  be  so  meanly  lodged,  clothed 
and  fed,  and  have  so  small  share  in  the  exultations  and 
grandeur  of  our  human  life.  But  this  sadness  may  have  small 
legitimate  cause,  and  be  no  reason  for  either  rubbing  out  the 
figures  and  beginning  anew,  or  meddling  with  the  principle  of 
free  trade  between  rich  and  poor.  As  between  adult  parties, 
this  stepping  in  to  say  by  statute  how  many  hours  a day  the 
laborer  shall  work,  means  nothing  in  his  favor,  unless  it  means 
that  he  shall  get  more  for  less,  or  that  the  law  shall  make  a 
better  bargain  for  him  than  he  can  make  for  himself.  This  is, 
in  fact,  an  old  question,  which  time  has  long  ago  settled.  The 
long  struggle  for  the  abolition  of  slavery,  on  which  ail  the  old 
civilizations  rested,  consisted  in  nothing  but  setting  up  the 
principle  that  it  shall  take  two  to  make  a bargain,  and  it  was 
not  till  the  capitalist  was  left  as  free  as  the  laborer,  that  labor 
was  really  emancipated. 

The  Law  of  Usury. 

“ Money  is  by  nature  sterile,”  said  Aristotle,  and  for  more 
than  a thousand  years  the  world,  heathen  and  Christian, 
insisted  that  a man  who  lent  his  money  should  require  the 
return  of  no  more  than  he  lent.  Still,  common  sense  taught 
people  that  if  the  price  of  a sheep  could  be  borrowed  for  a year, 
there  might  be  a sheep  and  a lamb  or  two,  at  the  end  of  it,  out 
of  which  more  than  the  loan  could  be  repaid,  and  leave  some 
mutton  with  the  borrower.  Hence,  people  were  always  ready 
to  borrow.  But  when  the  lender  had  to  face  the  sneers  of 
society,  he  asked  the  more  interest.  Hence,  in  the  old  and 
middle  ages,  it  was  the  worse  for  the  laborer  and  the  industrious 
poor,  that  the  philosophers  and  saints  set  their  faces  against  the 
idea  that  mere  capital  earns  wages.  The  laborer  is  worthy  of 
his  hire,  they  said,  but  with  the  same  breath  they  put  under 
ban  the  means  of  hiring  him.  Under  this  ban  against  money 
in  the  Roman  civilization,  and  the  dark  ages  of  the  Christian, 
the  proportion  of  capital  borrowed  was  very  small,  and  the  rate 
of  interest  enormously  high,  thirty  or  forty  per  cent,  per 
annum  being  nothing  uncommon.  As  a matter  of  course,  in 
this  state  of  things  very  little  capital,  relative  to  the  entire 
wealth  of  any  country,  was  invested  in  industrial  operations. 
In  this  state  of  things,  if  the  laborers  were  not  frequently  deci- 


32 


HOURS  OF  LABOR. 


[Feb. 


mated  by  famines  and  attendant  pestilences,  it  was  because  the 
governments  under  which  they  lived  allowed  them  to  be  mere 
property  themselves.  If  the  laborers  are  to  be  free  and  live, 
capital  must  also  be  free.  That  is,  the  capitalist  must  have  the 
right  to  make  his  own  bargains.  How  much  this  interference 
of  law  to  prevent  the  accumulation  of  capital  did  to  benefit 
labor,  the  history  of  almost  countless  famines  and  pestilences 
can  tell.  The  wolf  was  not  far  from  the  poor  man’s  door  in 
the  middle  ages.  If  he  comes  occasionally  now,  it  is  to  snap 
off  a luxury  from  the  table,  not  to  devour  the  children  in  the 
cradle. 

For  some  two  or  three  hundred  years,  since  the  prejudice 
against  money  began  to  decline,  and  our  modern  industry 
has  been  getting  established,  the  laws  have  endeavored  to  regu- 
late what  they  could  not  prevent — the  lending  of  money  at 
interest ; and  it  is  remarkable,  that  the  effect  of  laws  to  reduce 
the  rate  of  interest  has  always  been  to  raise  it.  Nothing  is 
better  settled  in  practice  in  all  commercial  countries  than  the 
evasion  of  usury  laws.  Free  trade  in  money  has  long  been  the 
practical  rule  wherever  commerce  and  industry  flourish.  And 
what  is  the  effect  on  the  laborer  ? 

If  labor  itself  is  a curse,  the  increase  of  it  must  be  considered 
baneful,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  a free  market  for  capital 
increases  the  amount  of  labor  performed.  But  labor  is  in  fact, 
and  as  a rule  it  is  felt  by  the  laborer  to  be,  a blessing.  It  is  a 
good  thing  of  which  one  may  doubtless  have  too  much.  But 
the  easier  capital  is  obtained  by  the  employer,  the  more  easily 
wages  are  paid.  Other  things  being  the  same,  the  more  capital 
there  is  invested  in  any  business,  the  greater  the  demand  for 
labor  and  the  higher  the  wages.  It  is  only  in  a money  market 
substantially  free,  and  under  laws  which  secure  the  rights  of 
property,  that  capital  goes  largely  into  industrial  investments. 
Let  us  see  what  are  the  inducements  necessary  to  draw  capital 
into  such  investments. 

The  Employment  of  Capital. 

As  a general  fact,  capital  once  invested  industrially  cannot 
be  reconverted.  If  it  fails  to  yield  a profit  over  wages  and 
repairs,  the  principal  itself  is  lost.  Hence  it  is  never  so 
invested  unless  in  the  expectation  of  greater  profit  than  that  of 


1866.] 


HOUSE— No.  98. 


88 


money  lent  with  security  for  the  return  of  the  principal.  In 
all  manufacturing  establishments  the  hazard  of  the  capital  is 
very  great.  * There  is  not  only  the  risk  from  the  adverse  action 
of  the  elements,  but  from  the  march  of  improvement,  the  muta- 
tions of  fashion,  and  the  fluctuations  of  the  market  for  the 
products.  It  cannotfbe  for  the  interest  of  laboring  men  that 
anything  should  be  done  to  lessen  the  expectation  of  profits, 
which  induces  capital  to  go  into  industrial  investments, — for 
every  dollar  so  invested  is  pledged  to  pay  wages  or  die  ; and 
nothing  is  more  certain  than  that  the  greater  the  investment 
the  greater  the  wages.  Laborers  are  constantly  and  rapidly 
increasing ; if  invested  capital  does  not  also  increase  as  rapidly, 
wages  must  diminish  by  the  competition  of  the  laborers.  Let 
us  suppose,  that  by  a perfect  combination  of  all  the  laborers, 
they  could  impose  their  own  terms  on  the  owners  of  invested 
capital, — for,  if  they  could  unite,  invested  capital  is  really  at  their 
mercy, — what  would  be  the  consequence  ? If  the  profits  of 
capital  were  sensibly  reduced,  investment  would  slacken,  and 
the  prices  of  products  going  up  would  have  the  effect  of  reduc- 
ing wages  back  to  where  they  were  before.  The  laborers  would, 
therefore,  gain  nothing  permanently  by  imposing1  terms.  On 
the  whole  they  must  lose.  Must  laborers,  therefore,  abstain 
from  all  combination  to  fix  the  price  of  labor,  and  leave  capital- 
ists to  combine  to  reduce  the  price  ? Capital  is  as  impotent  to 
reduce  prices  by  combination  as  labor  is.  Capitalists  are  many 
and  of  all  calibres.  Some  have  individual  skill  and  tact  to 
manage  for  themselves,  superior  to  that  which  can  be  com- 
manded by  any  mass.  Others  who  profess  largely,  have  no  skill 
at  all.  These  diversities  leave  no  possibility  of  the  combination 
of  all  capitalists  against  the  interests  of  the  laborer.  A large 
proportion  of  the  employers,  supposing  a combination  to  have 
been  effected  to  keep  wages  below  their  natural  level,  would  at 
once  grow  discontented  with  the  profits  accruing  to  their  capi- 
tal under  this  arrangement,  or  with  the  share  of  labor  falling 
to  them  under  it ; would  refuse  to  sacrifice  themselves  for  the 
benefit  of  incompetents,  having  surely  no  more  sympathy  for 
rival  capital  than  for  the  laborers.  The  existence  of  any  exten- 
sive combination  to  keep  down  the  price  of  labor,  or  any  general 
force  of  concert,  additional  to  the  force  of  interest,  is  of  course 
only  a misapprehension. 

5 


84 


HOURS  OF  LABOR. 


[Feb. 


Capital  Favors  the  Laborer  by  its  Increase. 

It  is  a fact  which  no  one  at  all  acquainted  with  industrial 
history  can  call  in  question,  that  the  proportion  of  mere  laborers 
who  achieve  more  than  a bare  subsistence,  increases  with  the 
increase  of  industrial  capital.  The  chances  for  the  laborer  are 
far  greater  in  England  now  than  in  the  same  country  two  hun- 
dred years  ago.  They  are  far  greater  in  Massachusetts  than 
they  were  before  the  commencement  of  our  manufacturing 
system.  When  that  system  began,  there  were  very  few  men 
who  possessed  capital  enough  to  build  profitable  manufactories 
individually,  and  still  fewer  who  dared  risk  enough  to  do  it. 
But  there  were  thousands  who  could  and  were  willing  to  risk  a 
little.  These  littles  were  combined  by  corporation  franchises, 
which,  in  course  of  time,  limited  the  risk  to  the  stock  sub- 
scribed. The  corporation,  as  a creature  of  law,  possesses  no 
power  or  immunity  whatsoever,  which  does  not  belong  to  an 
individual  capitalist.  The  legislature  merely  creates  and  brings 
into  the  labor  market  a new  customer  for  labor.  This  customer 
might  be  better  or  worse  for  having  a soul ; but  as  concerns 
each  and  every  one  who  has  labor  to  sell,  the  addition  to  this 
side  of  the  market  is  a positive  benefit,  whether  or  no.  Hence 
the  absurdity  of  the  cry  of  the  laborers  against  corporations. 
Their  interest  lies  in  the  increase  of  industrial  capital,  which 
corporations  never  fail  to  increase  by  collecting  into  large, 
active  masses  sums  that  are  too  small  to  act  alone,  or  not  large 
enough  to  act  as  efficiently. 

It  is  true,  that  some  investments  of  industrial  capital  are  far 
more  useful  to  the  laborer  than  others.  Those  which  produce 
what  the  laborer  has  to  buy  are  more  useful  than  those  which 
produce  either  luxuries  above  his  reach,  or  injurious  articles, 
because  they  tend  not  only  to  enhance  wages,  but  to  cheapen 
subsistence.  When  cotton  goods  had  to  be  imported,  the 
laborer,  perhaps,  slept  without  sheets.  When  Massachusetts 
corporations  had  made  sheeting  five  times  as  cheap,  and  wages 
twice  as  high,  then  the  day  laborer  began  to  sleep  in  sheets  as 
smooth  and  white  as  his  employer’s,  while  his  children  are 
sure  of  a school  as  good.  And  in  that  school,  it  is  to  be  hoped, 
that  they  at  least  will  learn  that  the  corporations  are  not  the 
natural  enemies  of  their  hard-working  parents. 


1866.] 


HOUSE— No.  98. 


85 


V.  A Return  to  the  Question  of  Hours. 

Having  shown  that  capital  and  labor  are  not  natural  enemies, 
as  many  have  supposed,  but  real  friends,  though  the  friendship 
is  often  broken  by  mutual  misunderstandings  of  each  other’s 
interests,  we  wish  now  to  look  again  at  the  question  of  a reduc- 
tion of  hours  from  another  stand-point.  While  we  are  opposed 
to  an  “ eight  hour  law”  for  the  reasons  stated,  we  are  not 
opposed  to  a reasonable  reduction  of  the  hours  of  labor  by 
other  and  as  we  believe,  better  methods.  We  think  that  in 
many  departments  of  labor  there  is  serious  injury  from  long 
hours  ; that  body  and  mind  both  suffer  from  it ; that  there  is 
need  of  a reform.  We  admit  there  is  a con  as  well  as  a pro  in 
the  argument  for  reduction  ; and  that  men  having  the  true 
interests  of  the  workingmen  at  heart  may  take  different  sides 
of  the  question.  We  appreciate  the  force  of  much  that  is 
urged  against  a reduction.  Still,  when  we  look  at  the  ques- 
tion in  all  its  bearings,  we  are  constrained  to  believe  that  the 
earnest  call  for  a reduction  of  hours  is  reasonable. 

Those  who  contend  that  ten  hours  is  none  too  long  for 
mechanics,  and  eleven  hours  none  too  long  for  factory  opera- 
tives, do  not  always  remember  that  these  hours  do  not  tell  the 
whole  story  of  the  day’s  work.  There  is  the  time  for  break- 
fast and  preparation  for  work,  the  time  for  dinner,  the  time  for 
washing  up  and  supper,  stretching  the  ten  hours  into  twelve  or 
thirteen , and  the  eleven  hours  into  thirteen  or  fourteen. 

We  cannot  believe  that  the  interests  of  the  community 
require  that  so  many  hours  each  day  should  be  given  to  man- 
ual labor.  We  believe  man  should  be  the  master,  not  the 
servant  of  his  work.  We  favor  such  a reduction  of  hours  as 
may  be  necessary  to  make  labor  healthful  to  body  and  mind. 
We  believe  that  in  many  branches  of  labor,  as  now  conducted, 
there  is  more  real  injury  than  is  generally  supposed  from 

Overwork. 

We  do  not  care  to  justify  this  belief  by  any  specific  cases 
brought  to  our  notice,  for  most  of  these  cases  are  of  such  a 
nature  that  it  is  difficult  to  tell  just  how  much  other  violations 
of  the  law  of  health  may  have  done,  in  connection  with  over- 
work, in  breaking  down  the  constitution.  Such  cases  are  not 
necessary  to  show  the  injurious  effect  of  constant  labor  at  long 


36 


HOURS  OF  LABOR*.  [Feb. 

hours,  especially  under  unfavorable  conditions.  There  may  be 
serious  evils  from  constant  and  exhausting  labor  that  do  not 
show  themselves  in  any  positive,  clearly  defined  disease  ; while, 
nevertheless,  the  vital  forces  of  the  whole  man,  physical  and 
mental,  are  greatly  impaired ; reducing  not  only  his  power  of 
work,  but  of  the  true  enjoyment  and  improvement  of  his  facul- 
ties as  a man.  Dr.  Jarvis,  in  the  letter  from  which  we  have 
quoted,  giving  his  objections  to  fixing  the  hours  of  labor  by 

statute,  thus  expresses  his  interest  in  the  general  question  : — 

« 

“ Yet,  although  I am  unwilling  to  see  any  law  regulating  the  hours  of 
labor,  I am  very  glad  that  this  matter  is  now  agitated.  The  subject  is 
of  immense  importance  to  the  workmen.  They  should  not  overwork. 
They  should  not  confine  themselves  to  long  sedentary  occupation,  or 
close  and  hot  shops.  The  sedentary  workman  should  shorten  his  quiet 
labor  as  much  as  the  man  whose  exertion  is  violent.  The  effects  of  all 
the  occupations,  their  demands  on  the  strength,  their  effects  on  the 
physical  constitution,  their  exposures  and  their  relations  to  means  of 
support  and  prosperity  should  all  be  studied  and  weighed  by  the  laborer, 
the  employer,  the  political  economist  and  by  the  government,  to  see  that 
every  man  shall  enjoy  the  longest  life  and  contribute  by  his  labor,  the 
largest  amount  to  his  own  estate  and  to  the  Commonwealth.” 

In  another  note  he  adds, — 

“ Every  man  has  a certain  amount  of  constitutional  force.  This  is 
his  vital  capital,  which  must  not  be  diminished.  Out  of  this  comes 
daily  a certain  and  definite  amount  of  available  force,  which  he  may 
expend  in  labor  of  muscle  or  brain,  without  drawing  on  his  vital  capital. 
He  may  and  he  should  work  every  day  and  expend  so  much  force  and  no 
more,  that  he  shall  awake  the  next  morning  and  every  succeeding 
morning  until  he  shall  be  threescore  and  ten,  and  find  in  himself  the 
same  amount  of  available  force,  the  same  vital  income,  the  same  power 
to  do  his  ordinary  day’s  work,  and  again  lay  down  at  night  with 
his  capital  of  life,  his  constitutional  force  unimpaired. 

“ These  are  principles  that  should  be  put  into  the  mind  and  heart  of 
every  man,  and  more  than  all  others  into  the  mind  of  the  laborer, 
whose  whole  capital  is  in  his  own  frame,  and  which  he  wants  to  preserve 
for  himself  and  his  family  to  a good  old  age.” 

Judging  by  this  standard  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  the  serious 
injury  often  resulting  from  overwork,  even  when  no  palpable 
evidence  appears. 


1866.] 


HOUSE — No.  98. 


8T 


Letters  bearing  upon  this  point  have  been  received  from  two 
of  the  physicians  of  Lawrence,  Dr.  Tewksbury  and  Dr.  Sargent, 
both  having  had  many  years’  experience,  in  which  they  speak 
of  the  evil  effects  of  overwork,  and  express  their  earnest  hope 
that  the  hours  of  labor  in  the  mills  may  be  reduced. 

Hasty  Meals. 

Closely  linked  with  the  evil  of  long  hours  for  labor,  is  that  of 
too  short  a time  for  meals,  especially  the  dinner,  of  which  Dr. 
Sargent  speaks  as  follows  : — 

. “ Another  feature  allow  me  to  mention,  and  one  that  has  often  pained 

me  for  a long  time,  and  that  is  the  short  time  the  operatives  are  allowed 
for  dinner, — only  thirty-five  or  forty  minutes  being  allowed  for  them  for 
that  purpose.  Many  of  them  are  obliged  to  travel  half  a mile  or  more, 
4 through  summer’s  heat  and  winter’s  cold,’  swallow  their  food  in  haste, 
half  masticated,  and  hasten  back  with  all  speed,  in  order  to  prevent 
being  locked  out.  This  hasty  manner  of  swallowing  the  food,  and  want 
of  a few  minutes’  rest  after,  is  prolific  in  causing  dispepsia  with  all  its 
concomitant  diseases,  which  often  end  in  consumption  and  death.  I 
think  an  hour,  at  least,  should  be  allowed.” 

This  evil  of  hasty  meals  was  brought  before  the  National 
Sanitary  Convention,  held  in  Boston  in  1860,  by  a member  of 
our  Commission,  Mr.  Snelling,  who,  after  speaking  of  a conver- 
sation he  had  just  held  with  an  intelligent  mechanic,  who  urged 
with  great  earnestness  the  need  of  more  time  for  the  dinner 
hour,  offered  the  following  Resolution  : — 

“ Resolved , That  this  Convention  earnestly  recommend  to  master 
mechanics  to  adopt  such  a division  of  the  hours  of  labor,  for  those  in 
their  employ,  as  will  allow  of  an  hour  and  a half,  instead  of  an  hour,  as 
is  now  customary,  for  the  midday  meal.” 

This  Resolution  was  advocated  by  the  mover  on  the  ground, 
that  that  half  hour,  after  meals,  would  be  a reservoir  of  strength  ; 
that  the  laws  of  our  organization  are  immutable;  and  that  we 
have  no  alternative  but  to  conform  to  them  if  we  would  enjoy 
health. 

The  Resolution  was  instantly  seconded  and  earnestly  sup- 
ported by  the  venerable  Dr.  Alexander  H.  Stevens,  of  New 


38 


HOURS  OF  LABOR. 


[Feb. 


York,  the  acknowledged  head  of  the  Convention.  It  was 
heartily  advocated  also  by  Dr.  Jewell,  of  Philadelphia,  and  Dr. 
Griscom,  of  New  York,  both  of  them  distinguished  physicians 
and  sanitarians.  The  latter  gentleman  said,  that  he  regarded 
the  question  as^  of  too  great  importance  to  be  dismissed  by  the 
Convention  by  the  simple  adoption  of  Mr.  Snelling’s  Resolution, 
and  therefore  introduced  the  following  in  addition : — 

“ Resolved , That  this  Resolution  be  referred  to  a special  committee, 
of  whom  the  mover  shall  be  chairman,  to  report  to  the  next  convention, 
in  extenso ■,  why  it  should  be  adopted.” 

Such  action  by  a National  Sanitary  Convention , embracing 
men  of  the  highest  medical  authority  from  various  parts  of  the 
country,  indicates  the  importance  attached  to  the  subject  of  the 
Resolutions  by  those  supposed  to  be  best  fitted  to  judge  of  what 
is  demanded  by  the  laws  of  health,  and  the  proper  sanitary 
regulations  of  labor. 

Man  cannot  escape  the  penalty  of  a violation  of  the  laws  of 
his  organization.  All  his  vital  powers  are  dependent  on  a 
proper  assimilation  of  the  food  which  nourishes  him  ; and  what- 
ever retards  this,  or  impairs  the  digestive  functions,  so  far  reduces 
the  capacity  for  labor ; showing  that  it  is  plainly  for  the  inter- 
est of  the  employer,  as  well  as  the  employed,  to  give  suitable 
time  for  this  important  business  of  eating,  upon  which  all  the 
vital  powers  depend. 

The  Evils  of  Overwork  not  all  Physical. 

We  introduce  the  following  testimony,  as  showing  that  the 
evils  of  overwork  are  not  merely  physical. 

The  Rev.  C.  M.  Cordley,  pastor  of  Central  Congregational 
Church,  Lawrence,  writes: — 

“It  is  my  conviction  that  a reduction  of  the  hours  of  labor  in  our 
mills  would  be  a great  blessing  to  the.  workingmen,  and  is  especially 
needed  by  the  women  and  children.  This  conviction  is  founded  on 
observation,  and  a somewhat  intimate  acquaintance,  as  pastor  of  a church 
with  its  members,  most  of  whom  are  laboring  in  the  mills.  I have  no 
hesitation  in  saying  that  I think  them  overworked,  and,  in  many  cases, 
jaded  and  worn.  The  weariness  and  exhaustion  resulting , is  one  of  the 


1866.] 


HOUSE — No.  98. 


39 


chief  obstacles  which , as  ministers  of  religion , we  find  in  the  work  of 
ministering  to  our  congregations.  And  I give  ray  most  earnest  petition, 
with  others,  that  some  relief  may  be  granted ; that,  not  only  shorter 
hours  each  day,  but  also  that  Saturday  afternoon,  be  given  for  purposes 
of  recreation  ; that  working  men  and  women  may  be  less  tempted  to  turn 
the  Sabbath  into  a holiday , and  lose  altogether  the  teachings  and  influence 
of  religion .” 

Rev.  C.  E.  Fisher,  of  the  same  city,  pastor  of  the  Low  Street 
Church,  also  adds, — “ I sincerely  concur  in  the  sentiments 
expressed  by  Rev.  C.  M.  Cordlv.” 

We  introduce  here  an  extract  from  an  admirable  letter  from 
Dr.  John  C.  Bartlett,  of  Chelmsford,  showing  that  even  farming 
districts  do  not  escape  the  danger  of  overwork.  After  speaking 
of  the  necessity  of  a stringent  law  to  protect  children  from 
overwork,  and  the  vast  importance  of  laying  the  foundation  in 
youth  of  a healthy  and  robust  manhood,  he  says : — 

“ When  I commenced  the  practice  of  medicine  in  Chelmsford,  thirty- 
four  years  ago,  every  farmer  commenced  his  labor  as  early  in  the  morning 
as  he  could  distinguish  objects  by  the  morning  twilight,  and  labored  hard, 
with  no  intermission  except  to  eat,  (which  did  not  consume  one  hour  in 
the  day,)  as  long  as  the  daylight  enabled  him  to  see  anything.  The 
consequence  of  this  was,  that  he  must  retire  to  rest  as  soon  as  the  day’s 
work  was  done,  and  the  mind  was  of  course  left  untrained  and  barren  of 
every  idea  which  did  not  relate  to  work.  No  wonder  that  the  farmers  as 
a class  were  brutally  ignorant,  or  that  their  sons  even  now  run  away  from 
the  farm  as  from  a pestilence.  At  the  period  to  which  I have  alluded, 
a great,  many  men  not  much  above  fifty,  (always  farmers,)  would  be 
seen  in  every  farming  town  hobbling  on  crutches,  or  moving  stifly  about 
their  labor,  as  though  every  motion  caused  them  intense  pain.  Careful 
investigation  of  these  cases  convinced  me  that  they  were  the  result  of 
excessive  use  of  the  muscular  system,  and  were  the  direct  consequence 
of  too  much  labor.  Most  farmers  at  the  present  day  labor  fewer  hours 
* and  less  severely,  in  consequence  of  the  introduction  of  machinery  in 
their  business,  and  consequently  such  cases  as  those  above  mentioned 
have  almost  disappeared. 

* # * * # * 

Such  is  now  the  desire  for  general  reading  and  information  that,  if  you 
can  devise  any  means  by  which  the  farmer  may  be  able  to  reduce  his 
period  of  labor,  you  will  do  more  for  his  solid  education  than  all  the 
agricultural  colleges  in  the  world.” 


40 


HOURS  OF  LABOR. 


[Feb. 


Time  Needed  for  something  beside  Work. 

The  foregoing  letters  show,  what  all  may  know  from  experi- 
ence or  observation,  that  an  overtasked  body  is  not  in  a condi- 
tion for  mental,  any  more  than  for  physical  labor.  All  work  is, 
in  a measure,  brain  work  ; and  although  some  kinds  of  manual 
labor  exercise  the  brain  much  less  than  others,  still  the  mind 
sympathizes  with  the  body,  and  is  in  no  condition  for  work 
when  the  whole  system  is  jaded  and  worn. 

We  know  there  is  now  and  then  one  with  a remarkable 
supply  of  vital  forces,  who  can  work  all  day,  and  still  have 
enough  reserved  power  to  trim  the  lamp  of  study  for  the  even- 
ing. But  these  are  exceptional  cases.  The  great  mass  of 
working-men  have  not  this  power.  If  they  are  to  become  men, 
mentally  as  well  as  physically,  time  must  be  given  for  mental 
improvement.  We  are  aware  of  the  objection  always  urged, 
that  our  great  danger  is  from  idleness  rather  than  overwork, 
and  there  is  much  force  in  this.  But  the  idlers  from  whom 
society  has  most  to  fear,  though  often  found  among  the  working 
classes,  are  not  of  them.  They  are  not  men  who  work  eight 
hours  instead  of  ten  or  eleven,  but  men  who  do  not  work  at  all. 
Pickpockets,  burglars,  thieves,  garroters  and  the  like,  are 
seldom  of  the  working  classes,  and  yet  there  are  multitudes  of 
people  who  seem  to  see  nothing  but  an  increase  of  crime  as  the 
result  of  reducing  the  hours  of  labor  an  hour  or  two  in  a day. 
There  is  some  cause,  perhaps,  for  such  a fear,  but  it  may  be 
carried  too  far.  The  dangerous  classes  are  those  who  will  have 
as  little  as  possible  to  do  with  honest  toil. 

“ Society,”  says  Edward  Livingston,  “ is  formed  of  two 
divisions-,  those  who  by  their  industry  or  property  provide  sub- 
sistence for  themselves  and  their  families,  and  those  who  do 
not.  The  latter  must,  of  necessity,  draw  their  support  from 
the  former.  This  class  includes  those  who,  under  the  name  of 
vagrants  and  able-bodied  beggars,  are  placed  in  society  on  the 
verge  between  vice  and  crime ; * * * abounding  in  large  cities, 
they  are  the  hotbeds  on  which  idleness  and  profligacy  are  forced 
into  crime.” 

It  is  from  this  class,  mainly,  that  dangerous  criminals  are 
drawn,  and  it  is  possible  that  this  class  may  be  temporarily 
• increased  by  a reduction  of  the  hours  of  labor,  especially  if  the 
change  should  be  sudden.  We  do  not  expect  that  all  will  use 


1866.] 


HOUSE— No.  98. 


41 


the  time  saved  from  labor  in  study,  or  that  all  will  make  a wise 
use  of  it.  We  have  no  idea  of  any  magic  change  to  be  wrought, 
in  the  tastes  or  habits  of  the  workingmen,  by  a reduction  of 
hours.  Each  will  spend  his  leisure  as  he  likes,  just  as  those  do 
who  can  command  all  their  time.  Some  will  spend  it  foolishly 
— some  wickedly.  But  others,  we  believe  many  others,  and  an 
increasing  number,  would  spend  the  time  profitably,  in  healthy 
recreation  or  home  duties,  cultivating  the  little  patch  of  ground, 
repairing  or  adorning  the  house,  playing  with  the  children, 
providing  domestic  comforts  and  conveniences,  reading  the 
papers,  keeping  informed  in  national  affairs,  so  as  to  vote  intel- 
ligently at  the  next  election ; and  a few  of  higher  tastes  reading 
more  substantial  books  of  science,  art,  history  or  religion.  It 
is  manifestly  unjust  that  those  who  would  employ  their  leisure 
hours  wisely  should  be  denied  the  privilege  of  having  leisure 
hours,  because  others  would  abuse  them. 

Our  theory  of  education,  as  something  not  for  the  few,  but 
the  whole  people,  demands  that  the  working  man  should  have 
time  to  carry  on  what  the  common  school  begins.  Having  been 
taught  to  read  in  our  schools,  and  furnished  with  books  in  our 
public  libraries,  he  needs  now  time  to  use  them,  if  he  have  the 
disposition.  We  know  it  is  said  that  all  our  men  of  mark 
make  time.  They  are  men  of  long  hours.  It  is  true.  Such 
men  need  no  time-table.  They  are  the  masters  of  all  their 
hours,  and  they  use  them  without  stint.  But  these  are  always 
exceptional  men ; men  of  mark  by  affluence  of  natural 
endowment.  But  the  mass  of  men  are  not,  and  cannot  be, 
men  of  mark.  Distinction  from  its  nature  is  the  privilege  only 
of  the  few.  But  all  have  the  capacity  of  improvement,  all  may 
rise,  and  it  is  because  we  would  facilitate  this  rising  of  the 
masses  into  a true  and  noble  manhood,  that  we  favor  this 
movement  for  a reduction  of  the  hours  of  labor. 

Men  in  mercantile  or  other  pursuits,  masters  of  their  business 
and  their  time,  may  attend  to  their  respective  callings  ten  or 
twelve  hours  in  the  day,  or  more,  without  injury.  They  are  on 
and  off,  can  run  out  of  office  or  counting  room  just  when  they 
wish,  walk  on  ’change,  meet  friends,  making  business  itself  a 
recreation,  while  the  hours  run  smoothly  on  in  grooves  of  inter- 
est, oiled  by  the  expectation  of  profit  corresponding  to  fidelity  of 
service.  Such  men  are  apt  to  say,  quite  complacently,  “ I think 
6 


42 


HOURS  OF  LABOR. 


[Feb. 


the  workmen  should  not  complain  of  ten  or  eleven  hours; 

I work  more  than  that.”  True,  but  work  so  diversified  ; link- 
ing every  extra  hour  with  the  hope  of  extra  gains,  is  a very 
different  thing  from  solid,  monotonous  toil  for  a fixed  num- 
ber of  hours,  for  a fixed  compensation.  True,  if  the  laborer 
be  a ivorkman , and  takes  a workman’s  pride  in  his  work,  it  is 
relieved  of  much  of  its  monotony,  and  becomes,  in  a measure, 
educational  in  itself ; but  only  slightly  so,  as  compared  with 
the  business  of  the  merchant,  lawyer  or  physician,  that  brings 
so  large  a class  of  faculties  into  play,  and  stimulates  them  all 
by  increasing  the  compensation  in  proportion  to  the  work  done. 

We  agree  with  the  happy  statement  of  one  of  the  principal 
advocates  of  an  eight-hour  law,  “ Every  man  should  have  one 
vocation , and  as  many  avocations  as  possible.” 

We  think  there  is  reason  in  the  arguments  of  the  working- 
men for  a reduction  on  account  of  the  extent  and  perfection  of 

Labor-Saving  Machinery. 

t 

This  phrase,  at  present,  is  rather  a prophecy  than  a fact, 
since  the  introduction  of  such  machinery,  thus  far,  has  served 
only,  or  mainly,  to  increase  the  productive  power  of  man,  with- 
out essentially  relieving  his  toil.  They  are  l&hor-helping,  not 
labor -saving  machines.  We  think  the  time  has  come  for  the 
workmen  to  reap  some  further  benefit  from  these  wonderful 
inventions,  not  only  in  the  multiplication  of  his  producing 
power,  but  in  the  reduction  of  his  hours  of  toil.  When  one 
man  at  a machine  can  spin  as  much  cotton  in  a day  as  could  be 
spun  by  four  hundred  of  the  best  spinners,  when  Arkwright 
took  out  his  first  patent,  less  than  a hundred  years  ago ; when, 
in  converting  grain  into  flour,  one  man  will  do  the  work  it  for- 
merly required  one  hundred  and  fifty  men  to  accomplish  ; when,  . 
in  some  departments  of  labor,  as  in  the  processes  for  producing 
iron,  machinery  lias  been  steadily  multiplying  power  a hundred 
fold  each  century  for  six  hundred  years,  so  that  one  man  can 
now  produce,  in  a given  time,  what  it  took  six  hundred  to 
produce  six  hundred  years  ago ; when,  through  scientific  dis- 
coveries and  appliances,  processes  are  so  reduced  in  time,  that 
sugar  may  be  refined  in  as  many  days  as  it  once  took  weeks ; 
and  backing  mirrors  with  an  amalgam  of  mercury  and  tin, 
which  once  took  six  weeks,  is  now  done  in  forty  minutes ; 


1866.] 


HOUSE — No.  98. 


48 


when  the  producing  power  of  man  is  so  multiplied,  and  what 
was  once  the  work  of  months,  compressed  into  days  or  hours, 
we  think  it  is  reasonable  for  the  workmen  to  ask  that  some  of 
the  benefits  of  this  shortening  process  of  science  may  be  felt  in 
shortening  his  hours  of  labor,  as  well  as  in  cheapening  what  he 
buys ; that  this  machinery,  the  boast  of  our  inventive  age, 
should  become  labor-saving'  in  fact  as  well  as  name ; that 
some  of  the  hours  now  given  to  toil  may  be  saved , to  increase 
his  productive  power,  not  as  a machine,  merely,  but  as  a wan . 

We  favor  a reasonable  reduction  of  hours,  also,  on  the  ground 
that 


Whatever  Lifts  the  Workman  Elevates  Work. 

We  believe  in  the  “ dignity  of  labor,”  but  we  do  not  believe 
in  the  dignity  of  drudgery.  We  do  not  wonder  that  the  working- 
men regard  all  abstract  glorification  of  work  that  forgets  the 
workmen,  as  eloquence  wasted.  The  character  of  work  depends 
on  the  character  of  the  workman.  You  never  can  make 
labor  honorable  under  a system  of  slavery ; the  slave  makes 
work  slavish.  Degrade  the  man,  and  you  degrade  his  work. 
Elevate  the  man,  and  you  elevate  his  work.  The  different 
estimates  of  labor,  North  and  South,  come  from  this  difference 
in  the  laborers.  If  the  South  is  to  be  saved  from  its  menial 
associations  with  work,  it  must  be  by  the  introduction  of  free 
and  intelligent  workmen.  What  a man  is,  gives  character  to 
what  he  does.  The  more  that  can  be  done,  therefore,  to 
increase  the  intelligence,  and  raise  the  general  character  of 
the  working  classes,  the  more  will  work  itself  be  lifted  out 
of  drudgery  into  a place  of  honor,  of  which  no  true  man  need 
be  ashamed.  We  believe  that  shorter  hours  would  give  a zest 
and  interest  to  work  which  would  help  in  changing  it  from  a 
necessity  to  a pleasure,  and  so  make  labor  more  attractive  as 
well  as  more  honorable.  Many,  in  all  departments  of  labor,  are 
now  mere  drudges,  because  they  give  themselves  no  time  for 
anything  but  to  drudge.  That  some  do  this  from  choice,  or 
habit,  does  not  change  the  fact.  Labor  is,  in  itself,  too  good 
a thing ; it  plays  too  important  a part  in  human  affairs  ; is  too 
closely  linked,  not  only  with  the  necessaries  and  comforts,  but 
the  luxuries  and  refinements  of  life  ; with  the  wealth  and 
welfare  of  individuals  and  communities ; it  is  of  too  great 


44 


HOURS  OF  LABOR. 


[Feb. 


importance  in  developing  national  resources,  and  national 
character,  and  national  strength  and  power",  to  be  abused  and 
degraded.  While  we  treat  it  as  a curse,  it  will  curse  us. 
When  we  recognize  and  use  it  as  a blessing,  it  will  bless  us. 
We  rejoice,  therefore,  in  all  that  tends  to  strip  from  labor  the 
filthy  rags  of  drudgery  that  slavery  and  ignorance  have  flung 
over  her  fair  form,  and  that  helps  to  clothe  her  in  an  attractive 
garb,  plain  and  strong,  suited  to  her  every  day  vocation  of  min- 
istering to  human  want.  Make  labor  honorable,  and  you  win 
the  idlers  into  the  ranks  of  the  workers ; you  create  a love  of 
work  that  makes  it  go  with  a will ; you  wake  an  honest  pride 
in  work,  an  ambition  to  do  it  well,  to  perfect  one’s  self  in  the  art. 
If  less  work  be  done  in  eight  hours  than  in  ten,  it  ought  to  be 
better  done,  and  the  greater  constancy  of  labor,  together  with 
its  greater  attractions,  would,  it  is  reasonable  to  believe, 
compensate  for  the  reduction  of  hours. 

How  to  Effect  a Reduction  of  Hours. 

The  Commission  believe  that  the  change  desired  can  be  bet- 
ter brought  about  by  workingmen  outside  the  State  House,  than 
by  legislators  inside.  The  reduction  from  the  old  long  hour 
custom,  to  eleven  iri  factories  and  ten  in  mechanical  employ- 
ments, has  been  made  in  our  own  State  without  legislative  aid. 
We  believe  all  needful  changes  can  best  be  made  in  the  same 
way.  The  eight  hour  rule  is  already  adopted,  to  some  extent, 
and  seems  to  be  gaining  favor.  Shipwrights,  on  old  work,  as  we 
have  stated,  work  less  than  eight  hours  a day.  Mr.  J.  B.  Ham, 
a member  of  the  house,  from  East  Boston,  carried  on  the  work 
of  blacksmithing  a part  of  the  last  year,  upon  the  eight  hour 
rule,  satisfactorily  confirming  in  practice  the  theory  he  had 
adopted  from  principle.  A gutta  percha  company  in  the  city 
of  New  York  have  voluntarily  adopted  the  eight  hour  rule,  and 
various  associations  in  this  city  and  in  New  York  have  adopted 
it  prospectively,  to  take  effect  on  the  10th  of  March.  We  hear 
of  movements  for  the  reduction  of  hours  in  cotton  factories,  and 
we  have  no  doubt  they  will  make  changes,  not  by  adopting  the 
eight  hour  rule,  but  by  a reasonable  reduction.  We  are  happy 
to  justify  this  belief  by  the  following  extracts  from  the  letter  of 
William  C.  Chapin,  Esq.,  agent  of  the  Pacific  Mills,  Lawrence. 
Though  entirely  opposed  to  the  eight  hour  law,  he  says : 


1866.] 


HOUSE— No.  98. 


45 


“ It  is  my  impression  that  the  conviction  among  the  working  people 
of  our  mills  is  so  strongly  inclined  to  favor  ten  hours  of  labor  per  day, 
that  it  may  be  wise  to  yield  to  it,  notwithstanding  my  fears  of  the  mal- 
appropriation  of  the  time  of  a large  proportion  of  our  men,  and  regardless 
of  the  fact  that  when  men  who  now  earn  eleven  dollars  per  week  for  so 
many  pounds  of  product,  find  that  they  can  earn  but  ten  dollars  under 
the  new  regime,  they  will  feel  disappointed.  ***** 

“ The  loss  of  money  to  capitalists,  to  employers,  will,  doubtless,  be 
seriously  felt,  and  particularly  so  when  any  special  cause  appears  for 
large  profits.  Yet  this  I consider  a minor  matter,  if  the  physical  and 
moral  welfare  of  the  operative  classes  demand  a reduction  of  hours.  I 
am  not  so  sure  of  this  as  some  are,  but  I am  quite  inclined  to  recommend 
a trial  by  this  corporation. 

“ Please  bear  in  mind  that  I refer  wholly  to  sixty  hours  per  week,  and 
not  forty-eight  hours,  as  is  now  the  call.  The  effect  of  such  a reduction 
as  this,  i.  e.,  the  reduction  of  three-elevenths  of  our  product,  would  be 
ruinous.” 

To  make  this  intimation  of  change  the  more  hopeful,  we 
would  state  that  the  workmen  representing  the  factory  opera- 
tives of  Lawrence,  at  the  hearings,  advocated  the  ten  hour  rule 
for  the  factories,  believing  that  the  change  from  eleven  to  eight 
would  be  too  great  for  the  interests,  not  only  of  the  employer, 
but  the  employed.  Whether  we  regard  this  as  merely  a coinci- 
dence of  judgment,  or  the  result  of  a mutual  understanding, 
it  is  a hopeful  sign  of  a reduction  of  hours  satisfactory  alike  to 
the  corporation  and  the  operatives.  The  advantage  of  such 
mutual  agreement  over  legislative  enactments  is  seen  at  once 
in  the  maintenance  of  a kind  feeling  between  the  parties  whose 
interests  are  wrongly  supposed  to  be  at  variance,  and  in  the 
freedom  it  gives  for  the  proper  adjustment  of  hours  to  the 
nature  of  the  work,  and  the  real  interest  of  the  workmen. 

The  progress  made  by  the  general  movement,  thus  far,  has 
been  almost  wholly  independent  of  legislation.  The  introduc- 
tion of  the  eight  hour  system  in  Australia,  as  given  in  the 
interesting  statements  of  Mr.  Tregurtha,  seems  to  have  been  a 
voluntary  concession  on  the  part  of  employers  to  the  urgent 
wish  of  the  laborers.  In  his  late  address  before  the  Social  Sci- 
ence Conference,  at  Sheffield,  Lord  Brougham  congratulated 
the  working  men  of  England  on  the  beneficent  changes  secured 
there  without  legislation,  and  referred  with  praise  to  the  great 


46 


HOURS  OF  LABOR. 


[Feb. 


co-operative  movement  going  on  in  that  country,  the  best  illus- 
tration of  which  is  at  Rochdale,  so  well  known  as  the  constit- 
uency of  Richard  Cobden.  In  Germany  and  France  this 
movement  has  also  acquired  great  force,  and  is  doing  much 
for  the  improvement  of  the  industrial  classes.  The  French 
emperor,  in  a recent  speech,  found  it  politic  to  refer  to  this 
movement  with  approbation,  and  the  political  economists  of 
Europe  regard  it  with  great  favor.  Though  less  known  in  the 
United  States  than  it  should  be,  we  believe  it  could  do  much 
here  for  the  objects  desired  by  our  working  men. 

What  Legislation  may  do. 

Still  there  is  much  that  legislation  may  legitimately  do  to 
promote  the  interests  of  the  working  men.  We  have  already 
spoken  of  the  obligation  of  the  State  to  all  her  children  and 
minors,  especially  to  those  most  needing  protection.  It  is  not 
only  her  right,  but  her  imperative  duty  to  secure  to  the 
children  of  the  working  men  the  proper  means  of  mental  and 
physical  development ; to  regulate  the  system  of  apprentice- 
ship, that  the  young  may  be  properly  instructed  in  their  chosen 
vocation,  and  work  saved  from  deterioration;  and  to  care  for 
those  who,  through  infirmity  or  sickness,  or  misfortune  of  any 
kind,  are  unable  to  care  for  themselves. 

The  annual  reports  of  the  Board  of  State  Charities  show  the 
generous  provision  made  by  the  Commonwealth  for  the  last 
named  class.  But  in  regard  to  pauperism,  an  ounce  of  preven- 
tion is  worth  pounds  of  cure.  Hence  it  is  both  the  right  and 
the  duty  of  government  to  use  every  available  method  of  pre- 
venting pauperism,  by  institutions  which  tend  to  promote  habits 
of  economy  and  thought  on  the  part  of  people  of  small  means. 
Laboring  men  and  their  families  in  civilized  society  need,  and 
must  have  recreation.  The  State  can  easily  provide  that  they 
shall  have  the  best  at  the  lowest  price.  It  is  not  extravagant 
to  suppose,  in  a community  like  this,  that  five  per  cent,  of  the 
wages  of  laborers,  at  least,  goes  for  recreations  or  amusements  of 
one  kind  or  another.  If  the  State  can,  by  providing  pleasure 
grounds,  menageries,  botanic  gardens,  etc.,  make  the  money 
paid  for  recreation  go  five  times  as  far,  this  is  equivalent  to 
raising  wages  four  per  cent.  If  it  can  found  institutions  for 
savings,  which  are  secure  as  the  State  itself,  and  yield  deposit- 


1866.] 


HOUSE— No.  98. 


47 


ors  tile  same  ratio  of  profit  as  the  rich  secure  on  their  larger 
sums,  it  has  done  far  more  than  merely  to  raise  wages.  It  has 
given  every  laborer  who  can  earn  any  more  than  a subsistence, 
the  opportunity  to  become  a capitalist,  and  be  his  own  legislator 
of  hours  of  labor. 

Legislation  may  also  lay  such  checks  as  it  may  deem  proper 
upon  the  tendency  to  an  aristocracy  of  wealth,  which  is  always 
damaging  to  the  true  interests  of  the  industrial  classes.  In 
what  we  have  said  of  the  importance  to  the  laborer  as  well  as 
the  capitalist  of  leaving  capital  free  as  labor  itself,  that  so 
Industrial  investments,  on  which  labor  depends,  may  be  encour- 
aged, we  would  not  be  understood  as  objecting  to  wholesome 
regulations  imposed  on  overgrown  wealth,  and  that  tendency 
towards  monopoly  which  wealth  exhibits,  even  in  the  presence 
of  the  freest  competition.  Money  is  a great  power, — a power, 
too,  easily  wielded  and  rapidly  effecting  its  objects,  while  the 
checks  imposed  by  popular  suffrage  and  democratic  institutions 
work  more  slowly  and  sometimes  defeat  themselves.  We  would 
favor,  therefore,  a policy  which  would  discourage  every  species 
of  monopoly,  and  which  would  impose  on  excessive  wealth 
such  burdens  for  the  support  of  the  government,  as  its  natural 
privileges  make  just  and  equitable.  The  rich  man’s  luxuries 
should  pay  heavier  tribute  than  the  poor  man’s  salt. 

The  legislature  may  render  aid  also  to  the  industrial  inter- 
ests of  the  country,  by  making  some  suitable  and  permanent 
provision  for  the  supply  of  reliable  statistics  in  regard  to  the 
“ condition  and  wants  of  the  industrial  classes.”  The  Com- 
mission have  already  stated  the  difficulty  of  obtaining  such  sta- 
tistics. We  have  by  law  annual  returns  from  railroads,  insur- 
ance companies,  almshouses,  prisons,  etc.,  but  it  is  only  every 
five,  or  every  ten  years,  that  we  get  returns  of  industrial  sta- 
tistics, and  these  not  always  in  such  a form  as  to  throw  light 
on  the  questions  of  labor.  We  learn,  for  example,  from  the 
industrial  statistics  of  1865,  how  many  hands  are  employed  on 
each  of  the  branches  of  industry  ; how  many  of  these  are  males 
and  how  many  are  females ; but  we  do  not  learn  how  many  are 
minors ; how  many  are  below  the  age  of  twelve ; how 
many  hours  they  are  employed ; what  is  their  rate  of 
wages ; whether  they  live  in  their  own  families  or  in  boarding- 
houses ; and,  indeed,  scarcely  any  of  the  facts  necessary  to  an 


48 


HOURS  OF  LABOR. 


[Feb. 


investigation  of  the  condition  of  the  laborers.  We  think  such 
statistics  should  be  collected  annually  ; and  we  would  recom- 
mend, that  a law  for  their  collection  be  passed,  and  the  duty  of 
arranging  them  be  assigned  either  to  the  secretary  of  the  Com- 
monwealth, or  to  the  secretary  of  the  Board  of  Charities,  or  to 
some  new  officer,  who  should  have  charge  of  the  general  statis- 
tics of  Massachusetts.  Such  an  officer,  if  furnished  with  the 
necessary  means,  could  keep  the  legislature  and  the  people 
informed  of  the  material  condition  of  the  State  with  far  more 
precision  than  is  now  done,  and  especially,  could  attend  to  the 
much  neglected  statistics  of  Labor. 

What  Working  Men  may  do  for  themselves. 

But  after  legislation  has  done  its  utmost,  the  great  work  of 
elevating  labor  and  laborers  must  devolve  upon  the  working 
men  themselves.  Statutes  have  their  province  and  use  ; but  they 
cannot  legislate  idleness  out  of  a man,  nor  industry  into  him. 
They  can  regulate  apprenticeship,  but  cannot  make  workmen  ; 
can  provide  schools,  but  cannot  make  scholars  ; can  furnish 
libraries,  but  not  the  love  of  reading  ; can  establish  institutions 
of  savings,  but  cannot  make  the  deposits  ; can  open  pleasure 
grounds,  botanic  gardens,  museums  of  nature  and  art,  and  pro- 
vide holidays  for  their  enjoyment,  but  cannot  direct  whether 
those  holidays  shall  be  spent  in  elevating  and  instructive  pleas- 
ures, or  in  vicious  and  corrupting  indulgences  ; can  give  the 
franchise,  but  cannot  direct  the  vote ; can  open  the  way  from 
the  bobbin  room  of  a factory  to  the  gubernatorial  chair ; from 
the  shoemaker’s  bench  to  the  national  senate  chamber ; from 
flat-boat  and  tailor  shop  to  the  highest  office  in  “ the  best  gov- 
ernment in  the  world,”  but  can  put  no  one  on  the  track,  or 
give  any  qualification  for  any  office,  trust,  or  responsibility. 

Never  was  there  a more  glorious  opportunity  opened  to  the 
working  men  of  any  country,  than  of  ours  ; but  opportunity 
alone  is  not  all  that  is  needed  ; it  is  only  as  the  opportunity  is 
seized  and  used,  wisely  and  manfully,  by  the  working  men  them- 
selves, that  they  can  rise  to  the  position  of  useful  and  honorable 
citizenship, — in  itself  higher  than  office, — or  reach  that  goal  of 
a true  and  noble  manhood,  that  constitutes  the  only  order 
of  nobility  recognized  by  the  genius  and  spirit  of  our  National 
Government. 


1866.] 


HOUSE— No.  98. 


49 


Let  the  great  body  of  working  men  prove,  by  temperate  and 
industrious  habits,  by  ambition  in  work  and  in  workmanship, 
by  the  practice  of  that  economy  that  will  help  them  to  become 
their  own  capitalists,  by  co-operative  labor  securing  to  each 
workman  a share  in  the  profits  of  his  work,  by  associations  for 
mutual  good  as  well  as  mutual  gain, — let  them  prove  thus,  by 
logic  that  no  sophistry  can  refute  or  evade,  that  working 
men  are  bent  on  elevating  labor  by  the  elevation  of  themselves, 
and  the  wide-spread  distrust  of  the  proper  use  of  leisure  hours 
will  speedily  disappear.  The  workmen  will  take  the  honorable 
position  that  belongs  to  them  ; they  will  have  no  need  to  ask 
of  any  one  how  many  or  how  few  hours  they  shall  labor  ; for 
they  will  be  masters  of  their  own  time  and  their  own  terms, 
and  increase  or  reduce  hours  of  labor  as  the  real  interests  of 
each  and  all  may  require — convincing  capitalists  by  the  only 
unanswerable  arguments, — intelligent  and  high-minded  work- 
men, — that  capital  is  as  dependent  on  labor,  as  labor  upon 
capital ; and,  that  it  is  only  as  both  work  together  in  harmony, 
that  the  industrial  interests  of  the  country  are  most  truly 
promoted,  and  the  greatest  good  of  all  secured. 

Conclusion. 

It  may  be  well  for  convenience  of  reference  to  bring  together, 
in  closing,  the  three  distinct  recommendations  which  the 
Commission  have  ventured  to  make  to  your  honorable  body : — 

1.  That  a change  be  made  in  the  statutes  concerning  the 
schooling  and  work  of  children  in  manufacturing  districts,  so 
as  to  give  them  twice  the  amount  of  schooling  now  required, 
or  by  adopting  in  full  what  is  known  as  the  “ half-time  system.” 

2.  That  an  inspector,  or  inspectors,  be  appointed  to  attend  to 
the  enforcement  of  these  laws,  and  also,  to  look  after  the  chil- 
dren put  to  apprenticeship,  or  otherwise  bound  to  service  by  the 
State,  to  see  that  they  are  properly  cared  for  according  to  the 
terms  of  indentures. 

3.  That  provision  be  made  for  the  annual  collection  of  reli- 
able statistics,  in  regard  to  the  condition,  prospects,  and  wants 
of  the  industrial  classes. 

Other  suggestions  made  under  the  head  of  “ What  Legisla- 
tion may  do,”  need  not  be  recapitulated,  as  they  are  suggestions 
rather  than  recommendations. 

7 


50 


HOURS  OF  LABOR. 


[Feb. 


In  conclusion,  we  would  say,  that  the  subject  has  grown  upon 
us  in  interest  and  importance.  We  have  not  had  the  time,  if 
we  had  the  ability,  to  treat  it  as  it  deserves.  Though  the  Report 
has  been  extended  beyond  what  may  be  regarded  as  reasonable 
limits,  we  have  left  many  things  unsaid,  and  treated  quite 
inadequately  many  of  the  topics  we  have  introduced.  But  we 
have  done  what  we  could.  We  should  have  been  glad,  had 
time  and  space  allowed,  to  give  a more  detailed  account  of  the 
hearings  ; but  this  may  be  found  in  the  reports  already  men- 
tioned, which,  together  with  our  correspondence  from  working 
men  and  others,  we  herewith  submit  for  your  examination 
and  preservation,  in  sufch  form  as  may  be  thought  best. 

We  take  satisfaction  in  recording  our  testimony  to  the  ability 
with  which  the  cattse  of  the  working  men  was  advocated,  not 
only  by  professional  men  friendly  to  the  movement,  but  by  some 
of  the  working  men  themselves.  It  was  a cheering  prophecy 
that  will  hasten  its  own  fulfilment.  It  is  plain,  that  the  indus- 
trial interests  of  the  country  are  vital  interests  ; that  the  cause 
of  the  laborer  is  the  cause  of  all.  We  shall  rise  or  sink,  in 
national  prosperity  and  true  greatness,  as  labor  is  elevated  or 
depressed.  The  great  problem  given  us  to  solve  is,  the  eleva- 
tion of  work  to  its  rightful  place  of  power,  by  the  elevation  of 
the  workmen  to  intelligent  and  Christian  manhood.  In  this 
solution  the  State  may  aid,  but  only  the  working  men  themselves 
can  demonstrate  the  problem. 

Respectfully  submitted,  by 

WILLIAM  P.  TILDEN, 

HENRY  I.  BOWDITCH, 

F.  B.  SANBORN, 

ELIZUR  WRIGHT, 

GEO.  H.  SNELLING, 

Commissioners. 


1866.] 


HOUSE— No.  98. 


51 


APPENDIX 

TO  THE 

LABOR  COMMISSION’S  REPORT. 


Iii  this  Appendix  we  propose  to  give  some  of  the  papers 
referred  to  in  the  Report,  together  with  an  abstract  of  the 
information  furnished  us  by  letter  and  otherwise. 

The  following  is  the  Circular  issued  by  the  Commission,  early 
in  October.  The  substance  of  it  was  copied  into  newspapers 
circulating  in  all  parts  of  the  Commonwealth  : — 


[circular.] 

COMMONWEALTH  OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 

12  State  House. 

Boston,  October,  1865. 

Dear  Sir, — The  Commissioners  on  the  Hours  of  Labor,  appointed  by 
the  governor,  under  the  Resolve,  chapter  62,  of  the  general  court  for 
the  year  1865,  are  desirous  of  collecting  information  relating  to  the 
subject.  For  this  purpose,  a hearing  will  be  held  at  the  State  House 
on  which  you  are  hereby  invited  to  attend. 

If,  however,  your  convenience  will  not  allow  you  to  be  present  at  that 
time,  will  you  favor  the  Commission  with  information,  by  letter,  in 
regard  to  the  following  points,  if  within  your  knowledge  ? 

1.  The  number  of  hours  daily  required  of  the  laborer  in  the  different 
occupations  pursued  in  your  vicinity,  with  the  reason  of  the  difference 
in  hours,  if  any  exists. 

2.  The  employment  of  children  at  in-door  occupations,  and  whether 
they  are  kept  out  of  school  by  their  parents  or  employers,  in  consequence 
of  their  work ; the  rate  of  wages  paid  them,  as  compared  with  adults 


HOURS  OF  LABOR. 


52 


[Feb. 


and  any  other  particulars  which  may  occur  to  you  concerning  the 
subject. 

3.  The  occupation  and  wages  of  women  as  compared  with  those  of 
men ; and  particularly  the  wages  and  condition  of  that  large  class  of 
female  laborers,  called  needle-women. 

4.  The  actual  results  of  overwork  in  any  occupation  on  the  health  of 
mind  or  body,  and  the  duration  of  life  among  laborers. 

5.  The  means  in  your  vicinity  for  laborers  to  use  profitably  the  time 
gained  by  any  reduction  in  the  hours  of  labor,  and  whether  such  a 
reduction  would  tend  to  increase  vice  and  crime. 

6.  The  effect  of  a reduction  on  business,  on  the  investments  of  capi- 
talists, and  the  price  of  commodities;  and  whether  it  would  lead  in  most 
cases  to  special  contracts  with  the  laborer,  or  the  custom  of  working  by 
the  piece. 

If  you  can  answer  any  of  these  questions,  and  not  the  whole,  it  will 
be  regarded  as  a favor  for  you  to  give  us  information  on  so  many  points 
as  you  can,  or  any  others  relating  to  this  subject,  which  have  not  here 
been  stated. 

William  P.  Tilden, 
Henry  I.  Bowditch, 

F.  B.  Sanborn, 

Elizur  Wright, 

Geo.  H.  Snelling, 

Commissioners. 


The  number  of  letters  and  the  locality  of  the  writers,  received 
in  answer  to  the  above  circular,  will  appear  from  the  following 
schedule : — 


1866.] 


HOUSE— No.  98. 


58 


SCHEDULE  I. 


Number , locality  and  occupation  of  persons  sending  letters  to  the  Labor 
% Commission. 


COUNTIES  RECEIVED  FROM. 

Mill  Owners  or 
Agents. 

Physicians. 

Farmers. 

Working  men. 

Miscellaneous. 

Total  number  of 

letters. 

Barnstable,  .... 

- 

1 

1 

- 

- 

2 

Berkshire,  .... 

1 

1 

- 

- 

1 

3 

Bristol, 

i 

1 

- 

- 

1 

4 

6 

Dukes, 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Essex, 

3 

6 

- 

- 

2 

11 

Franklin, 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Hampden,  .... 

3 

- 

- 

- 

- 

3 

Hampshire,  .... 

1 

1 

- 

- 

- 

2 

Middlesex,  .... 

5 

7 

- 

2 

4 

18 

Nantucket,  .... 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Norfolk, 

- 

4 

- 

- 

2 

6 

Plymouth,  .... 

1 

1 

- 

- 

- 

o 

Suffolk,  ..... 

5 

2 

- 

6 

4 

17 

Worcester,  .... 

- 

2 

- 

- 

2 

4 

Unknown,  .... 

- 

- 

- 

- 

2 

2 

Totals,  .... 

20 

25 

1 

9 

21 

76 

Schedule  II.  gives  a general  view  of  those  letters  which 
furnished  statistical  replies  to  the  questions  of  the  Circular, 
and  Schedule  III.  of  those  not  containing  statistics,  together 
with  a few  of  those  in  Schedule  II. 


Statistics  in  Letters  received  by  the  Commission  on  Hours  of  Labor. 

[The  numerals  heading  the  columns  refer  to  the  questions  of  the  Circular.] 


54 


HOURS  OF  LABOR. 


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1866.] 


HOUSE— No.  98. 


55 


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Schedule  II. — Statistics  in  Letters , Src. — Continued. 


56 


HOURS  OF  LABOR.  [Feb. 


CD 

Would  lead  to  special  con- 
tracts. 

• 

Reduced  wages  or  increased 

prices  would  result;  great 

inconvenience  to  manufac- 

turers. 

Would  lead  to  increased 

prices  and  special  con- 

tracts. 

Would  lead  to  investments 

in  neighboring  States;  to 

special  contracts  and  re- 

duced wages. 

See  abstract,  (c.) 

Would  reduce  wages  and 

lead  to  special  contracts. 

id 

Do  not  see  any  benefit 
from  reduction  of 
time. 

A benefit  to  some,  not 
to  others. 

Good  library ; not  much 
used  by  laboring  peo- 
ple; would  tend  to 
vice  and  crime. 

Reduction  of  time  not 

necessary  to  allow  at- 

tending lectures,  etc. ; 
would  tend  to  vice 

and  crime. 

A reading  room  and 

library ; more  time 

would  lead  too  many 

into  bad  habits. 

No  means  of  profitable 

use  of  time  gained 

by  reduction. 

More  injury  from 
needless  exposure 
than  from  over- 
work; average  of 
life  fair. 

No  involuntary  over- 
work. 

Health  and  duration 
of  life  compare  fa- 
vorably with  other 
classes  of  day  la- 
borers. 

Health  and  duration 
of  life  compare  fa- 
vorably with  other 
classes  of  day  la- 

borers. 

Can  give  no  results 

of  overwork;  hands 

generally  healthy. 

CO 

Washerwomen  get  f 
men’s  wages;  do- 
mestics, | to  ^ 
men’s  wages ; nee- 
dlewomen, i to  | 
men’s  wages. 

Women’s  wages,  75 
cents  to  $1.50;  I 
to  £ that  of  adults. 

Women  sew  pocket 
books;  mostly  by 
the  piece;  wages, 
50  cts  to  75  cts.  a 
day. 

Women  work  by  the 
piece;  earn  $1  to 
$2  a day. 

Women  paid  liberal- 
ly ; in  some  depart- 
ments as  much  as 
men. 

Women’s  wages  \ of 
men’s;  no  needle- 
women. 

cq 

Some  Irish  children 
make  palm  leaf 
hats ; wages,  J to  £. 

Employ  a few  boys ; 

3 months  school- 
ing ; wages  \ that 
of  adults. 

A few  children  em- 
ployed; 3 months 
schooling  ; wages 
in  proportion  to 
age. 

Children  employed; 

3 months  school- 
ing ; wages  high 
compared  with 
adults. 

Children  work  as 
many  hours  as 
adults ; have  light 
work ; fair  wages. 

No  children  under  16 
years. 

ttH 

10  hrs. ; farmers 
more. 

10  and  12  hrs.; 
women,  7 to  8; 
Saturdays,  8.  . 

11  hours.  . 

11  hours.  . 

11  hrs. ; some  of 
the  hands  a little 
less  than  11  hrs. 

. 

Men,  10  hours; 
women,  9 hrs. 

Hadley. 

Holyoke,  (Paper  Co.) 

Lancaster.  . 

(1.)  Lawrence, (Wash- 
ington Mills.) 

(2.)  Lawrence,  (Pacific 
Mills.) 

Lee,  (Paper  Co.) . 

1866.] 


HOUSE— No.  98. 


57 


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Schedule  II. — Statistics  in  Letters , Sfc. — Concluded. 


58 


HOURS  OF  LABOR. 


[Feb. 


CD 


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HOURS  OF  LABOR. 


[Feb. 


SCHEDULE  III. 

Abstracts  of  Letters  on  Hours  of  Labor  not  containing  Statistics. 

[The  letters  a,  b,  c,  etc.,  refer  to  the  file  of  letters  received.] 


From  Manufacturers  or  Agents. 

(a.)  Desires  to  call  attention  to  the  labor  of  children  in  mills. 
Represents  that,  from  eight  years  old  and  upwards,  they  work  full  time — 
rise  at  4}  A.  M.,  having  30  minutes  for  breakfast,  45  minutes  at  dinner, 
and  leave  work  at  7 P.  M., — 14^  hours.  Thinks  manufacterers  in 
Massachusetts  and  in  Rhode  Island,  pay  little  regard  to  the  law  respect- 
ing employment  of  children.  Would  be  for  the  interest  both  of 
employer  and  employed,  if  the  law  were  such  that  no  minors  (under 
21,)  or  females  were  allowed  to  work  in  mills  more  than  ten  hours  per 
day,  with  penalties  to  enforce  the  same.  The  intelligence  of  the  com- 
munity would  be  increased  thereby. 

Edw.  Harris,  Woonsocket. 

(5.)*  Remarks  relate  chiefly  to  mill  operatives.  They  are  almost 
entirely  foreign  or  of  foreign  descent.  They  number  from  six  (6)  to 
seven  (7)  thousand.  There  is  an  average  of  one  grog-shop  to  every 
(25)  twenty-five  persons  of  them.  During  the  last  four  years,  when  the 
mills  have  been  idle  a considerable  part  of  the  time,  and  special  schools, 
etc.,  were  furnished  by  the  authorities,  but  a small  part  of  this  class  of 
laborers  were  willing  to  attend  them. 

Charles  Durfee,  Agent  Massasoit  Mills , Fall  River. 

(c.)^  Thinks  the  eight  hour  movement  was  made  in  the  hope  of 
securing  a reduction  from  eleven  hours  to  ten  hours.  Eight  hours  would 
be  tenaciously  resisted  by  employers.  Although  children  are  confined 
many  hours,  their  work  is  such  as  to  give  them  muph  liberty.  Does 
hot  know  of  any  great  desire  on  the  part  of  the  work  people  for  shorter 
time,  except  that  at  dinner  they  should  be  allowed  a full  hour.  Thinks 
they  would  desire  the  ten  hour  rule,  but  would  be  disappointed  to  find 
their  wages  proportionally  reduced.  A compulsory  law  would  be 
unfavorable  if  not  made  general  in  the  States, — a strong  argument 
against  legislative  interference.  Is  not  sure  that  the  welfare  of  opera- 
tives requires  a reduction  to  ten  hours,  but  is  willing  to  have  it  tried. 
The  eight  hour  rule  would  be  ruinous  to  capital. 

W.  C.  Chapin,  Agent  Pacific  Mills,  Lawrence. 

* Letters  containing  Statistics.  See  Table  of  Statistics. 


1866.] 


HOUSE— No.  98. 


61 


(d.)*  The  fixed  investment  in  a cotton  mill  is  large.  Competition, 
especially  in  this  State,  where  the  corporation  system  gives  publicity  to 
results  of  business,  reduces  the  average  profit  to  the  lowest  point  at 
which  capital  can  be  induced  to  flow  into  business.  It  is  therefore 
necessary  that  the  largest  possible  product  in  proportion  to  the  machinery 
should  be  obtained.  A mill  running  eleven  hours  might  make  fair  profits 
— running  eight  hours  would  lose  money.  A mill  running  only  eight  in 
this  State,  could  not  compete  with  mills  in  other  States,  or  in  England, 
running  eleven  hours.  The  effect  would  be  to  prevent  building  more  mills 
here,  to  lessen  the  value  of  those  now  in  existence,  and  to  drive  capital 
and  labor  elsewhere.  Special  contracts  by  the  hour  or  job  would  to  a 
certain  extent  remedy  this.  But  all  classes  of  work  cannot  be  done 
by  the  job.  Practically  a limit  of  eight  hours  in  one  department  running 
by  the  day,  would  be  a limit  upon  others  running  by  the  job.  Increased 
price  of  products  and  reduction  of  wages  would  follow.  Is  doubtful  if  a 
compulsory  eight  hour  law  would  help  the  laborer  even  if  wages  remained 
the  same.  Desirable  to  limit  hours  of  labor  for  children.  Any  law  in 
regard  to  them  should  be  imperative . Difficulty  in  enforcing  a law 
respecting  children.  See  no  practical  way  of  limiting  their  hours  of 
labor.  Were  less  hours  required  of  them  than  of  adults,  it  would 
prohibit  their  working  in  mills.  Should  not  wTork  in  mills  under  the  age 
of  twelve  or  fourteen  years.  Certain  classes  of  operatives  who  sometimes 
make  less  hours,  and  men  in  machine-shops,  who  work  only  ten  hours, 
are  not  found  to  be  more  healthy,  intelligent  or  thrifty,  than  the  eleven 
hour  hands.  A fourth  part  of  the  operatives  use  the  library — much 
light  reading  among  the  women.  Time  for  dinner  might  be  profitably 
lengthened.  Seven-eighths  of  all  employed  could  work  by  the  piece. 
Population  changes  so  constantly  that  it  is  not  easy  to  ascertain  the 
comparative  duration  of  life.  Writes  of  a compulsory  law  only, — any 
other  would  be  entirely  inoperative. 

Patrick  T.  Jackson,  Boston. 

(e.)*  Were  the  hours  of  labor  reduced  in  this  State  only , manufac- 
turers would  leave  the  State.  Were  the  reduction  to  be  made  general, 
do  not  see  that  it  would  affect  investments  or  capitalists  in  any  respect. 
Not  so  with  the  laborer,  lieduce  the  hours  of  labor  one-fifth,  and  retain 
the  same  wages  per  day  as  now,  he  would  still  realize  only  precisely 
four-fifths  of  what  he  now  does  by  working  ten  hours.  His  day  must  be 
the  measure  of  another  man’s.  No  legislation  can  make  his  receipts  for 
eight  hours  more  than  four-fifths  of  what  they  would  be  for  ten  hours. 
The  question  should  be  one  for  the  workman  to  decide  on  a fair 
understanding  of  its  merits. 

J.  E.  Carver,  Agent  So.  Cotton  Gin  Co .,  Bridgewater. 

* Letters  containing  Statistics.  See  Table  of  Statistics. 


62 


HOURS  OF  LABOR. 


[Feb. 

to 

(/.)*  Employ  about  three  hundred  able-bodied  men.  Excepting 
about  twenty-jive , all  work  by  contract.  Some  parts  of  the  work 
exhaustive,  but  as  a general  thing  all  our  men  are  able  and  willing  to 
work  full  ten  hours  daily.  A compulsory  eight  hour  law  would  be  con- 
sidered oppressive  by  them,  and  they  would  go  to  other  States,  where 
there  was  no  such  restriction.  A large  portion  of  our  workmen  are 
French  Canadians,  who  care  little  for  mental  improvement. 

W.  T.  Eustis,  Pres.  Douglas  Axe  Manuf’y  Co. 

(gi)*  In  October,  1865,  there  were  employed  453  males,  at  an 
average  of  $1.39  a day;  875  females  at  an  average  of  96  cents  per 
day;  32  males  under  15  years,  55£  cents  per  day;  18  females  under 
15,  57f  cents  per  day.  Men  boarding  in  company’s  houses  pay  $3.25 
a week — women,  $2.50  per  week.  Some  years  since  there  was  a 
reduction  of  one  hour  per  day  in  the  working  time  of  the  mills  in  this 
city.  Has  failed  to  discover  evidence  of  general  improvement,  which 
could  be  ascribed  to  reduction  of  working  time.  A manufacturer 
cannot  pay  as  much  per  hour  for  eight  or  ten  hours  service  per  day  as 
for  eleven  hours,  and  as  the  working  time  in  manufacturing  cities  and 
towns,  fixes,  in  a measure,  the  working  time  of  those  engaged  in  other 
pursuits,  with  the  reduction  of  the  wages  of  the  laborer  there  would  be 
an  increase  in  the  cost  of  living.  Working  by  the  piece  is  now 
customary  with  us  to  the  extent  that  is  practicable. 

Samuel  Fay,  Superintendent  Lowell  Manuf’g  Co. 


From  Physicians. 

(h.)  Is  en&bled  to  say  from  fifteen  years’  observation  in  a manufac- 
turing community,  that  operatives  in  mills  are  overworked,  showing  its 
effects  in  a general  decline  of  physical  vigor.  Many  break  down  after 
five  or  six  years’  labor.  A.  J.  French. 

(t.)  The  long  hour  system,  particularly  night  work,  is  prejudicial  to 
young  persons  under  eighteen,  especially  to  young  women. 

M.  Roberts,  Lawrence. 

( /.)  Better  let  things  remain  as  they  are.  Ten  hours  none  too 
much  for  laborers  or  seamstresses ; if  the  latter  do  not  find  time  for 
exercise,  it  is  their  own  fault.  Laborers  are  not  generally  tired.  The 
change  would  be  better  for  the  grog-shops.  They  (laborers)  have  no 
inclination  for  self-culture.  When  necessary  to  employ  children,  the 
public  authorities  should  instruct  them  at  suitable  times. 

J.  B.  S.  Jackson,  Boston. 

* Letters  containing  Statistics.  See  Table  of  Statistics. 


1866.] 


HOUSE— No.  98. 


68 


(k.)  Has  been  a practising  physician  eighteen  years  in  this  city  (Law- 
rence,) and  been  a close  observer  of  the  health  and  morals  of  opera- 
tives. Thinks  long  confinement  in  mills  and  insufficient  time  for  meals, 
injurious,  and  that  ten  hours  a day  is  better  than  eleven  or  twelve  hours. 

Isaac  Tewksbury,  Lawrence. 

(1.)  A practising  physician  in  Lawrence  many  years.  Ten  hours 
labor  a day  enough  for  strong  men,  too  long  for  children  and  delicate 
women.  Ten  hours  in  a mill  more  injurious  than  twelve  or  fifteen  hours 
at  farm  work.  The  short  time  allowed  for  dinner,  (thirty-five  or  forty 
minutes,)  a serious  evil,  as  the  operatives  often  have  to  walk  some 
distance.  Seneca  Sa.rgent,  Lawrence . 

(m.)  Has  been  a practising  physician  many  years.  No  hesitation  in 
saying  that  mill  work,  long  continued,  is  injurious  to  bodily  and  mental 
health,  and  materially  shortens  life,  especially  that  of  women  and 
children.  Would  earnestly  recommend  reduction  of  labor  in  manufac- 
turing establishments.  Aaron  Ordway,  Lawrence. 

(n.)  An  agricultural  community.  A few  women  and  children  work 
at  home  for  manufacturers  in  other  towns.  No  regard  had  to  hours  of 
labor  stipulated  by  law,  and  none  probably  will  be,  should  there  be  new 
legislation.  B.  H.  Tripp,  Rutland. 

I 

From  Working  Men. 

(o.)  Believe  that  to  99  per  cent,  of  laboring  people  ten  hours  labor 
is  excessive.  That  since  the  adoption  of  the  ten  hour  rule  mechanics 
enjoy  many  more  of  the  comforts  of  life  than  formerly,  and  further 
reduction  would  increase  them  still  more.  Laborers  are  too  tired  to 
read  useful  books.  That  the  most  'enterprising  and  intelligent,  both  of 
laborers  and  capitalists,  favor  the  reduction. 

Geo.  Gay,  Hopedale . 

(p.)  In  the  city  of  Fall  River  are  2,390  operatives  in  shops  and 
mills  heated  to  80  or  85  degrees,  by  steam.  They  work  eleven  hours  a 
day.  Many  carry  their  dinner  because  they  live  so  far  off*.  Of  these, 
1,221  are  females  from  18  to  35  years  of  age.  These  walk  18  or  20 
miles  a day  at  their  work ; wages  $6  to  $9  a week.  518  men  who 
have  to  walk  daily  25  miles  at  their  work  ; wages  ‘$9  to  $12  a week. 
652  minors,  from  .8  years  to  14,  wages  $2.00  to  $2.50  a week  ; kept 
from  school.  Most  cannot  read  or  write,  as  is  the  case  with  many  adults. 
70  men  in  dressing-rooms  heated  to  112  degrees,  nine  to  ten  hours 
a day,  wages  $2  to  $3  a day.  Difference  in  time  because  they  cannot 


64  HOURS  OF  LABOR.  [Feb. 

stand  the  heat.  Good  facilities  for  improvement,  night  schools,  etc. 
Operatives  too  tired  to  use  them  or  care  for  them. 

Short  Time  Committee  of  Fall  River. 

(q.)  Desires  the  reduction  of  hours  of  labor  in  order  that  working 
people  may  have  time  to  attend  public  worship  on  Sunday.  Now  they 
are  so  tired  that  they  are  compelled  to  take  that  day  for  rest. 

# D.  N.  Smith,  Boston. 

% 

(r.)  Reduction  of  hours  of  labor  would  be  a great  benefit,  would  give 
opportunity  for  self-improvement  and  needed  rest.  That  more  and 
better  work  can  be  done  in  few  hours  when  one  is  rested,  than  in  many 
hours  when  one  is  tired.  That  female  labor  is  excessive,  and  poorly 
paid,  resulting  in  loss  of  health  and  life.  That  carvers  and  cabinet 
makers  are  unable  to  work  after  40,  and  one-fourth  are  worn  out  at  33 
years.  That  if  a reduction  were  granted,  one-half  of  the  young  would 
spend  their  free  time  in  self-improvement.  That  at  present  it  is  better 
to  work  by  the  day  than  by  the  piece. 

Carvers’  and  Cabinet  Malzers’  Union,  Boston. 

(s.)  In  addition  to  testimony  before  the  Commission. 

W.  A.  Warner,  Hatter,  Boston. 

(t.)  Mechanics,  including  time  for  meals,  have  to  be  on  duty  often 
times  13  hours  in  a day.  Operatives  in  cotton  mills  ll^  or  11£  hours 
besides  meals.  Many  of  these  are  children.  Women  are  better  paid 
here  than  in  most  communities,  but  needle-women  are  poorly  paid. 
Thinks  excessive  labor  common,  and  that  it  shortens  many  lives. 
Laborers  would  improve  opportunities  for  self-culture.  That  the  effect 
of  reduction  upon  business  would  be  good ; would  popularize  labor, 
would  not  diminish  the  amount  of  production.  Men  would  work  by  the 
day  as  now.  E.  D.  Moor,  Waltham. 

( u .)  Thinks  the  eight  hour  movement  is  being  made  a political  one, 
and  that  politicians  do  not  feel  safe  in  opposing  it.  Does  not  believe 
that  the  physical  or  mental  well-being  of  the  laborer  requires  such  a 
reduction.  Asks  what  are  the  results  of  the  ten  hour  rule.  Believes 
the  eight  hour  rule  impracticable,  as  well  as  uncalled  for.  Laborers  of 
all  kinds  would  have  to  be  hired  by  the  hour.  Better  let  the  thing 
regulate  itself.  t [Wo  Signature.^ 

Miscellaneous. 

(v.)  Law  of  the  State  in  regard  to  the  working  of  children  in  mills 
not  fully  enforced  in  this  city  (Taunton.)  School  committee  find  diffi- 
culty in  fully  carrying  it  out.  Parents  make  the  plea  of  necessity,  and 


1866.] 


HOUSE— No.  98. 


65 


say,  moreover,  that  when  their  children  are  in  the  mill,  they  know 
where  they  are  ; they  are  safer.  If  agents  are  peremptory  in  enforcing 
the  rule  in  all  .cases,  parents  remove  to  places  where  they  will  be 
allowed  to  keep  their  children  at  work.  E.  Maltby,  Taunton. 

• 

( w .)  Statement  of  W.  Harris,  that  in  1857,  while  superintendent  of  a 
woollen  mill  in  South  Koyalston,  Mass.,  mill  running  twelve  hours  a day, 
they  made  more  cloth  than  they  could  sell.  The  time  of  running  was 
reduced  (33  per  cent.,)  to  eight  hours,  work  by  the  piece ; that  at  the  end 
of  the  month  it  was  found  they  had  made  as  much  cloth  as  before,  and 
the  pay  roll  remained  the  same. 

Letter  of  L.  B.  Wright,  Roxbury. 

(pc.)  The  real  point  to  be  gained  by  those  who  petition  for  the  eight 
hour  rule  is  this  : they  are  mechanics  (of  various  cities)  who  have  worked 
for  government,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  and  have  realized  as  much 
pay  by  overwork  as  by  regular  work  (21  hours  being  reckoned  half  a 
day.)  Reduction  of  regular  time  to  eight  hours  will  make  ten  hours  a day 
and  a half.  They  do  not  intend  to  be  prohibited  working  overtime, 
nor  to  obey  the  law,  should  that  clause  be  added. 

Jos.  Hosmer,  Boston. 

(y.)  Believes  the  change  would  be  great  benefit  to  all,  especially  to 
women  and  children.  Weariness  resulting  from  overw  ork  is  a great 
obstacle  to  religious  instruction.  Desires  not  only  redu  ction  in  hours 
of  labor,  but  that  Saturday  afternoon  be  given  for  recreation,  in  order 
that  Sunday  may  not  be  used  as  a holiday. 

C.  M.  Cordley,  Lawrence. 

(z.)  Concurs  in  the  above.  C.  E.  Fisher,  Lawreuce . 

(*)  Well  to  have  a legal  standard  for  hours  of  labor.  Should  be 
varied  by  laborers  to  suit  their  peculiar  circumstances.  (Proposes  the 
form  for  such  a law.)  Important  to  offer  to  laborers  some  equivalent 
for  the  lost  hours  of  work.  Many  would  of  themselves  be  unable  to 
fill  up  profitably  their  spare  time.  (Proposes  a law  for  the  mutual 
benefit  of  employer  and  employed.) 

F.  W.  Sawyer,  Boston. 

(aa.)  One  important  question  omitted  by  the  Commissioner — Do 
intelligent  working  men  have  incomes  large  enough  to  support  their 
families,  meet  public  demands  and  lay  up  something  for  themselves  in 
old  age  ? Thinks  they  do  not.  Fixes  the  average  income  of  capable, 
energetic  working  men  at  $400  or  $450, — this  not  to  include  the  four 


9 


66 


HOURS  OF  LABOR. 


[Feb. 


years  of  war.  That  the  reduction  of  hours  of  labor  already  accom- 
plished, has  been  for  the  good  of  society.  By  lessening  the  hours  of 
labor,  business,  instead  of  being  checked  in  the  short  days  of  winter, 
tends  to  be  equalized, — spread  over  the  whole  year.  That  heavy  and 
unhealthy  trades  cannot  long  be  restrained  from  themselves  applying 
the  remedy.  Objections  to  this  reform  are  superficial.  That  the  length 
of  the  present  working  day  deprives  workmen  of  certain  necessary 
advantages.  It  is  of  Jittle  use  to  cheapen  books,  if  there  is  no  time  to 
read  them.  Want  of  leisure  under  more  favorable  conditions  than  the 
present,  is  a needless  privation.  The  pecuniary  loss  to  the  workmen, 
from  reduction  of  time,  will  be  greatest  at  first,  and  be  steadily  dimin- 
ished. That  the  estimated  loss  of  production  (20  per  cent.,)  is  too 
great.  Much  of  the  loss  would  be  made  up  by  increased  vigor  and 
skill  of  the  workman.  There  would  be  marked  gain  in  the  health  and 
average  duration  of  life.  That  this  reform  is  needed  on  account  of  the 
military  liabilities  of  men. 

If  the  eight  hour  rule  is  impracticable  in  agricultural  communities,  then 
ten  hours  might  be  adopted  for  farm  work  and  eight  hours  for  mechanics, 
There  is  a unanimous  desire  on  the  part  of  working  men  that  a paid 
Commission  should  be  authorized  by  legislature,  to  consider  thoroughly 
these  questions. 

Among  other  points  for  investigation  might  be  named  savings  banks, 
to  find  out  how  large  a part  of  the  deposits  remain  any  considerable 
time ; whether  these  deposits  are  really  the  savings  of  working  men  and 
women ; the  condition  of  real  estate  held  by  working  men  as  to  mort- 
gages, etc. ; an  inquiry  into  the  rules  and  regulations  of  labor  through- 
out the  State ; how  far  combinations  for  the  purpose  of  regulating 
wages  would  be  permitted.  Believes  that  workmen  have  the  right  to 
enter  into  such  combinations,  though  it  would  be  an  extreme  measure. 
Complains  of  the  narrowness  and  injustice  of  the  law  against  strikes. 

E.  II.  Rogers,  Chelsea. 


1866.] 


HOUSE— No.  98. 


67 


LETTERS  FROM  DR.  EDWARD  JARVIS. 


[Cited  on  pages  26  and  36  ] 


Dorchester,  Mass.,  Nov.  9,  1865. 
George  H.  Snelling,  Esq.,  Boston  : 

My  Dear  Sir, — I regret  that  I was  absent  when  you  called  to-day.  I 
was  glad  to  find  your  note  in  which  you  explained  the  object  of  your 
visit,  and  your  wish  for  an  explanation  of  an  apparent  discrepancy 
between  the  opinions  I gave  to  Mr.  Falls  and  to  Dr.  Bowditch.  This  is 
very  easy,  inasmuch  as  they  were  opinions  on  two  different  matters,  and 
had  no  necessary  connection  with  each  other. 

I stated  to  Mr.  Falls  that  I required  seven  hours’  daily  work  from 
these  clerks  on  the  mortality  statistics. 

I furthermore  gave  him  the  reason.  This  work  of  calculation,  com- 
putation, and  transfer,  of  analysis  of  statements  of  facts,  breaking  up 
their  old  connections  and  combining  them  in  new  connections  and  rela- 
tions, requires  to  be  done  with  absolute  accuracy,  and  this  can  be 
accomplished  only  with  the  greatest  mental  discipline,  with  the  intensest 
concentration,  and  long  and  severe  attention.  Very  few  employments 
impose  such  a strain  on  mental  powers,  and  lay  such  a tax  on  the 
cerebral  forces  as  this.  This  can,  then,  be  done,  surely  and  safely  only 
when  the  brain  and  mind  are  vigorous. 

When  they  become  weary,  concentration  is  more  diffcult,  and  mental 
action  less  certain. 

I therefore  measure  my  requisition  of  labor  with  the  view  of  obtain- 
ing, all  their  available  power,  in  each  day,  without  perilling  its  certainty, 
or  impairing  its  force  and  effectiveness  in  any  succeeding  day. 

Few,  perhaps  no  other  occupations,  require  this  intensity  of  attention, 
or  make  such  drafts  on  the  cerebral  forces.  Almost  all  others  allow 
change,  relaxation  and  intervals  of  ease  to  the  mental  powers.  In  those, 
writers,  clerks,  &c.,  can  work  more  hours  in  the  day  without  weariness 
than  they  could  here.  The  persons  whom  I now  employ  only  seven 
hours  a day  (and  think  the  interest  of  the  service  they  are  engaged  in 
requires  and  will  allow  no  more,)  could  act  as  book-keepers,  attend 
stores,  work  in  factories,  do  the  household  labor,  nurse  children  more 
hours  daily  without  impairing  their  forces,  lessening  the  value  of  their 
exertions,  or  perilling  their  effectiveness  in  the  days  that  shall  follow, 
and  would  do  so  cheerfully  if  they  were  to  engage  in  such  occupations. 
It  therefore  seemed  to  me  not  well,  not  for  the  interest  of  the  employed 
or  of  the  employer,  to  establish  any  general  regulation  or  law  in  respect 


68 


HOURS  OF  LABOR. 


[Feb. 


to  the  hours  of  labor, — certainly  none  based  upon  the  experience  and 
necessities  of  those  requiring  and  of  those  giving  the  intensity  of  mental 
concentration  that  is  needed  in  my  present  work. 

It  seems  neither  expedient  nor  just  to  establish  any  single  measure  of 
time  to  be  applied  to  occupations  that  make  such  different  drafts  on  the 
human  forces.  It  would  be  neither  kind  nor  wise  to  make  any  law  to 
prevent  those  who  now  work  here  thirty-nine  hours  a week  for  thirty- 
three  cents  an  hour  from  working  seventy  hours  a week  in  any  other 
employment  that  is  half  as  exhaustive  and  half  as  well  paid.  I there- 
fore told  Dr.  Bowditch  that,  as  at  present  advised,  I thought  it  not 
proper  to  interfere  by  any  general  law  with  the  hours  of  labor. 

I furthermore  said  to  him  that  I thought  that  in  most  of  the  occupa- 
tions requiring  muscular  action,  men  could  work  ten  hours  a day  from 
twenty  to  sixty  years  of  age  without  thereby  impairing  their  health, 
or  lessening  that  capital  of  life  that  would  carry  them  through  a good 
old  age. 

In  this  I had  simply  physical  muscular  exertion  in  view ; for  there 
are  many  other  collateral  conditions  and  influences  to  be  considered  in 
their  relation  to  the  continuance  of  health  and  the  permanence  of  power. 
The  severity  or  lightness  of  labor,  the  violence  of  exertion,  as  in  wield- 
ing the  sledge-hammer,  lifting  stone,  or,  on  the  other  hand,  tailoring, 
shoemaking,  engraving,  &c.,  the  persistence  or  variableness  of  the  exer- 
tions, employments  that  require  the  exercise  of  one  set  of  muscles  only, 
as  in  drilling  rocks  with  the  drill-bar,  or  of  all  the  muscles  of  the  body, 
as  farming  and  gardening — all  these  have  their  influence  in  the  expendi- 
ture and  exhaustion  of  force,  and  on  the  continuance  of  the  supply  of 
strength  and  power  to  labor,  and  all  should  be  considered  in  determining 
the  hours  that  should  be  given  to  work. 

The  same  discrimination  should  be  applied  to  the  other  circumstances 
of  labor — the  exposures  to  the  severity  of  the  elements,  to  intense  cold 
or  intense  heat,  and  to  storms — also  the  supply  of  air.  Those  who  work 
in  small  shops,  in  which  the  average  is  small,  dangerously  small  for  res- 
piration of  the  occupants,  can  work,  or  ought  to  work,  less  than  those 
who  work  in  the  free  air  abroad.  The  purity  of  the  air  as  effected  by 
the  material  worked  upon,  or  the  processes  conducted,  the  lightness  or 
darkness  of  the  place,  in  some  employments  the  effect  of  contact  with  the 
matter  handled — all  these  have  very  important  effect  on  the  health  and 
the  continuance  of  labor. 

The  employments  are  manifold.  The  English  census  divides  the 
people  among  somewhat  more  than  1,200  various  occupations.  These, 
with  their  circumstances,  conditions  and  influences  on  health  of  the  work- 
man, and  his  duration  of  power,  vary  so  much  and  so  widely,  that  no 
rule  of  hours  can  be  applied  to  them,  no  single  system  can  be  adopted 


1866.] 


HOUSE— No.  98. 


69 


for  the  good  of  some,  without  being  injurious  to  others,  if  all  are  required 
to  conform  to  it.  It  would  not  then  be  well  for  the  interests  of  labor  or 
the  laborers  to  adopt  any  law  of  the  State  or  of  society  that  would 
prevent  any  workman  from  so  appropriating  and  using  his  powers  of 
body  or  mind,  his  strength  or  his  skill,  in  such  a manner  and  to  such  an 
extent  as  he  deems  best  to  procure  for  himself  and  his  family  the  largest 
amount  of  support  and  comfort. 

Yet,  although  I am  unwilling  to  see  any  law  regulating  the  hours  of 
labor,  I am  very  glad  that  this  matter  is  now  agitated.  The  subject  is 
of  immense  importance  to  the  workmen.  They  should  not  overwork. 
They  should  not  confine  themselves  to  long  sedentary  occupation,  or 
close  and  hot  shops.  The  sedentary  workman  should  shorten  his  quiet 
labor  as  much  as  the  man  whose  exertion  is  violent.  The  effects  of 
all  the  occupations,  their  demands  on  the  strength,  their  effects  on  the 
physical  constitution,  their  exposures,  and  their  relations  to  means  of 
support  and  prosperity,  should  all  be  studied  and  weighed  by  the 
laborer,  the  employer,  the  political  economist  and  by  the  government, 
to  see  that  every  man  shall  enjoy  the  longest  life,  and  contribute,  by 
his  labor,  the  largest  amount  to  his  own  estate,  and  to  the  Common- 
wealth. 

Truly,  your  friend, 

Edward  Jarvis. 


Dorchester,  Mass.,  10th  Nov.,  1865. 
George  H.  Snelling,  Esq.,  Boston  : 

My  Dear  Sir, — Although  I wrote  you  a long  letter  last  evening,  I 
omitted  to  mention  a slight  matter  in  reference  to  Mr.  Fall’s  visit.  1 
did  not  say  that  any  of  my  clerks  had  overworked , and  were  con- 
sequently unfit  for  the  fullest  and  the  clearest  mental  labor  the  next 
day* 

I said  that,  on  examining  their  work  in  the  morning  before  they 
came,  I once  found  some  mistakes  in  one.  I asked  her  “ if  she  had 
felt  well  the  afternoon  previous.”  She  said,  sorrowfully,  “ No,  she  had 
a headache,  and  that  was  the  reason  she  had  done  no  more.  She 
struggled  very  hard,  but  could  not  make  her  calculations  with  the  usual 
quickness  and  care.”  I said  that  I had  discovered  it  otherwise,  by  the 
errors,  and  that  if  again  she  felt  any  illness,  she  should  at  once  leave 
her  work,  walk  abroad  or  go  home.  And  moreover,  if  she  felt  fatigued 
at  any  time,  she  should  do  the  same  ; for  the  brain,  when  in  pain  or 

* Knowing  the  unprofitableness  of  overwork,  I limited  the  hours  to  seven  daily,  and 
have  not  in  any  case  exceeded  them.  If  this  prove  too  much,  I shall  diminish  them. 


70 


HOURS  OF  LABOR. 


[Feb.  J66. 


wearied,  could  not  command  its  action  and  work  with  precision,  any 
more  than  the  muscles ; when  we  were  foot- weary  we  walked  with 
uncertain  step,  and  when  head-weary  we  write  with  less  exactness. 

I used  these  illustrations  to  the  lady,  and  she  profited  by  it,  when 
again  she  had  headache. 

I think  I used  the  same  to  Mr.  Falls. 

Moreover,  I think  I told  him  of  my  own  occasional  error  in  this 
matter  of  overwork.  Once  especially,  when  I wanted  to  do  very  much 
in  a day,  but  worked  at  the  expense  of  the  next  day  and  that  after,  the 
result  was,  that  although  I did  two  days’  work  in  the  first  day,  I accom- 
plished less  in  the  three  days  than  I should  if  I had  worked  regularly 
and  moderately. 

This  should  be  impressed  on  all  employers  and  workmen,  whether 
working  for  themselves  or  for  others. 

Every  man  has  a certain  amount  of  constitutional  force.  This  is  his 
vital  capital  which  must  not  be  diminished.  Out  of  this  comes  daily  a 
certain  and  definite  amount  of  available  force,  which  he  may  expend  in 
labor  of  muscle  or  brain,  without  drawing  on  his  vital  capital.  He 
may  and  he  should  work  every  day  and  expend  so  much  force  and  no 
more,  that  he  shall  awake  the  next  morning  and  every  succeeding 
morning,  until  he  shall  be  threescore  and  ten,  and  find  in  himself  the 
same  amount  of  available  force,  the  same  vital  income,  the  same  power 
to  do  his  ordinary  and  healthy  day’s  work,  and  again  lay  down  at  night, 
with  his  capital  of  life,  his  constitutional  force  unimpaired. 

These  are  principles  that  should  be  put  into  the  mind  and  heart 
of  every  man,  and  more  than  all  others,  into  the  mind  of  the  laborer, 
whose  whole  capital  is  in  his  own  frame,  and  which  he  wants  to  preserve 
for  himself  and  his  family  to  a good  old  age. 

The  application  of  these  principles  will  be  better  left  to  the  workman, 
to  society,  to  intelligent  discussion,  to  customs  which  shall  be  established 
and  amended  with  increase  of  thought  and  study  of  the  human  constitu- 
tion, and  of  health — to  the  common  law,  which,  in  these  matters,  will 
be  better  and  more  humane  and  just  than  any  statute  law. 

Truly,  your  friend, 


Edward  Jarvis. 


